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SOCIAL WORK 
YEAR BOOK 

1929 



Editor 

FRED S. HALL 

Assistant Editor 
MABEL B. ELLIS 







NEW YORK 

RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION 

1930 



Uv/ J, 



Copyright, 1930 
Russell Sage Foundation 



WM. F. FELL CO • PRINTERS 
PHILADELPHIA 



ADVISORY COMMITTEE 
david h. holbrook, Chairman 

MAY H. HARDING ROBERT M. MAClVER 

GEORGE E. HAYNES KATE MCMAHON 

ROWLAND HAYNES SPENCER MILLER, JR. 

F. ERNEST JOHNSON J. PRENTICE MURPHY 

HOWARD R. KNIGHT HOWARD W. ODUM 

HARRY L. LURIE KENNETH L. M. PRAY 

ROSE J. MCHUGH FRANCES TAUSSIG 
WALTER M. WEST 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2012 with funding from 

Lyrasis Members and Sloan Foundation 



http://www.archive.org/details/socialworkyearbo01fred 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Advisory Committee i 

Preface 5 



PART ONE 
TOPICAL ARTICLES 

Contributors n 

Topical Articles, Classified 19 

Topical Articles 23 

PART TWO 
NATIONAL AGENCIES 

Introduction 493 

National Agencies 497 

National Agencies, Classified 579 



PREFACE 



SOCIAL work in the United States has its professional organizations, 
its professional schools, its national conferences, and its periodicals. 
But unlike many other professional or occupational groups it has 
hitherto had no comprehensive, periodical record of its varied activities. It 
is this unstaked field which the Social Work Year Book now enters. The 
publication has been undertaken by the Russell Sage Foundation in the 
belief that the progress of social work will be advanced thereby, its unity 
increased, and popular understanding of its aims enlarged. Present plans 
call for biennial issues along the general lines of this one. 

The boundaries of social work are not fixed. No one of the numerous 
efforts to define its field has had general acceptance. The Year Book makes 
no such attempt. Its scope has been governed by practical considerations. 
Social work is closely related in practice to other professions— particularly 
to education and medicine — and many of the articles in this volume treat 
therefore of activities on the border line of these other fields. 

The Year Book is not an encyclopaedia of social problems or social 
conditions; it is a record of organized efforts in the United States to deal 
with such problems. The problems themselves are discussed only to the ex- 
tent that is necessary for an understanding of the forms of social work re- 
lated to them. No problem or social condition is described unless some 
agency exists for its control, prevention, or study. 

Except as to the year 1929 the Year Book does not attempt to give the 
results of original inquiries in its several fields. Articles were requested 
which would consist in the main of "judicious summaries of material already 
in print in more or less scattered form," supplemented by such information 
as contributors could supply from their own experience. In several fields 
either no comprehensive information has been published, or available in- 
formation is much out of date. In such cases contributors were asked to 
record this fact, thus helping to reveal points at which investigation is 
needed. 

An advisory committee was appointed in 1929 to assist the editors in 
the many decisions involved in a publication of this nature. Its members 
are shown on page 1 . This committee has been of great assistance, but is not 
responsible for the policies adopted. That responsibility rests with the 
editors. Since all articles have been revised somewhat and the revisions 
returned to contributors for approval, responsibility for their form is shared 
by contributors and editors. The verification of dates, figures, and other 

5 



Preface 

statements made by contributors—which some encyclopaedias undertake— 
has not been possible for the present volume. References to literature, how- 
ever, have been verified. 

The topical articles which constitute Part I of the Year Book are ar- 
ranged alphabetically in accordance with Cutter's Rules for a Dictionary 
Catalog. This part of the volume is, therefore, self-indexing. A classified 
list of articles is printed on page 19 and a list of contributors on page 1 1. 
Part II contains a list of 455 national agencies, public and private, and a 
topical index or classified list of these agencies. The Introduction to Part 
II, on page 493, states the basis on which these agencies were selected, the 
information supplied concerning them, and the purpose and limitations of 
the classification by topics. 

The following uniform section headings have been used for articles 
wherever possible: History and Present Status; Training Requirements and 
Opportunities; Developments and Events, iQ2g; and Legislation, iq2q. Be- 
cause of space limitations contributors were asked to treat the histories of 
their fields as briefly as possible, placing emphasis instead upon the present 
status. Accordingly, general descriptions of the included fields constitute 
by far the largest part of most articles. Events of the year 1930 have ordi- 
narily been excluded. 

The most distinctive and also the most difficult feature of the Year 
Book is its attempt to record the events and developments of the year 1929. 
Material of two kinds was assembled by the staff for the assistance of con- 
tributors. This consisted of (1) laws passed during the year on topics in- 
cluded in the volume, and (2) schedule reports collected from the following 
sources: committees appointed in 42 cities by chapters of the American 
Association of Social Workers; community chests; federal and state boards 
of public welfare, health, education, and labor; and schools of social work. 
Over 400 laws were supplied by a legislative service company, and 2,321 
reports were collected on schedules covering 63 different fields of social work. 
Though neither the legislative service nor the schedule reports furnished as 
complete a record as was desired of the changes of the year, they were of 
considerable service, especially in the less centrally organized fields. With 
the experience gained, a more representative body of facts should be obtain- 
able for use in later editions of the Year Book. 

The references to literature which appear at the end of each article have 
been supplied by contributors. Probably no single source of published 
material concerning social work is as valuable as the Proceedings of the 
National Conference of Charities and Correction, since 19 17 the National 
Conference of Social Work. For most articles in the Year Book general 
reference might appropriately be made to these Proceedings. Instead, this 

6 



Preface 

statement is made. In the references as printed publishers' names are not 
included for books indexed in the United States Catalogue, 1928, and its sup- 
plements, or for periodicals named in the Union List of Serials, 1927. 

Many contributors have found it difficult to develop their subjects 
properly in the number of words assigned. For these limitations the editors 
are responsible. They will welcome suggestions for a better distribution of 
space or for additional topics to be covered in subsequent editions of the 
Year Book, as well as criticism concerning any other features of the volume. 
They will be especially glad to have their attention called to errors which 
readers may observe. 

For assistance in compiling the Year Book the editors wish to express 
their appreciation to the members of the Advisory Committee, to the con- 
tributors, many of whom have prepared their articles in the midst of a 
crowded winter's work, and finally to the many members of the American 
Association of Social Workers who supplied the schedule reports already 
referred to. 

Fred S. Hall, Editor. 
September, 1930. 



PART ONE 
TOPICAL ARTICLES 



CONTRIBUTORS 



GRACE ABBOTT 

Chief, Children's Bureau, United States Depart- 
ment of Labor 

ELIZABETH KEMPER ADAMS, PH.D. 

Consultant, Program Division, Girl Scouts 

CHARLES R. ALLEN, D.SC. 

Editor and Educational Consultant, Federal 
Board for Vocational Education 

MORRIS E. ALLING 

Manager, Junior Achievement 

HARRIET E. ANDERSON 

Consultant on Community Plans for Service to 
Transients, National Association of Travelers 
Aid Societies 

MARY ANDERSON 

Director, Women's Bureau, United States De' 
partment of Labor 

JOHN B. ANDREWS, PH.D. 

Secretary, American Association for Labor Legis- 
lation 

C. W. ARESON 

Executive, De Pelchin Faith Home and Children's 
Bureau, Houston 

R. K. ATKINSON 

Director of Education, Boys' Club, Federation of 
America 

A. C. BACHMEYER, M.D. 

Superintendent, Cincinnati General Hospital, and 
Dean, College of Medicine, University of Cin- 
cinnati 

CAROLYN SHERWIN BAILEY 

Editor, American Childhood 

S. JOSEPHINE BAKER, M.D., D.P.H. 

Lecturer on Hygiene, New York University; 
formerly Director, Bureau of Child Hygiene, De- 
partment of Health, New York City 

ROGER N. BALDWIN 

Director, American Civil Liberties Union 

FRANK BANE 

Commissioner of Public Welfare, Virginia 



HENLEY V. BASTIN 

Superintendent, Louisville and Jefferson County 
Children's Home 



HELEN BECKLEY 

Executive Secretary, American Association of 
Hospital Social Workers 

CAROLINE BEDFORD 

Assistant General Manager, St. Louis Provident 
Association 

HARRY BEST, PH.D. 

Professor of Sociology, University of Kentucky 

ERNST P. BOAS, M.D. 

Associate Physician, Mt. Sinai Hospital, New 
York City 

MARY F. BOGUE 

Executive Director, National Federation of Day 
Nurseries 

HOMER W. BORST 

Associate Director, Association of Community 
Chests and Councils 

LEROY E. BOWMAN 

Secretary, National Community Center Associa- 
tion 

JOHN S. BRADWAY 

Secretary, National Association of Legal Aid 
Organisations 

HOWARD S. BRAUCHER 

Secretary, National Recreation Association 

EDITH TERRY BREMER 

Executive, Department of Immigration and For- 
eign Communities, National Board of Young 
Women's Christian Associations 

EMERSON BROOKS 

President, Boy Rangers of America 

ELIZABETH C. BURGESS, R.N. 

Associate Professor of Nursing, Teachers College, 
Columbia University 

PERCY JEWETT BURRELL 

Pageant Writer and Producer 



II 



Contributors 



GEORGE D. BUTLER 

Publication and Research Department, National 
Recreation Association 

HOMER N. CALVER 

Executive Secretary, American Public Health 
Association 

MARY ANTOINETTE CANNON 
Instructor, New York School of Social Work 

CHARLOTTE E. CARR 

Industrial Consultant, New York Charity Or- 
ganisation Society 

LEWIS H. CARRIS 

Managing Director, National Society for the Pre- 
vention of Blindness 

C. C. CARSTENS, PH.D. 

Executive Secretary, Child Welfare League of 
America 

RUTH SHONLE CAVAN, PH.D. 

Assistant Secretary, Religious Education Asso- 
ciation, Chicago 

ELISABETH CHRISTMAN 

Secretary-Treasurer, National Women's Trade 

Union League of America 

CHARLES L. CHUTE 

General Secretary, National Probation Association 

WALTER CLARKE, M.B., CH.B. (Edin.) 

Director, Division of Medical Measures, American 
Social Hygiene Association 

W. BRUCE COBB 

Secretary, Courts Committee, Brooklyn Bureau of 
Charities 

JOANNA C. COLCORD 

Director, Charity Organisation Department, Rus- 
sell Sage Foundation 

SELWYN D. COLLINS, PH.D. 

In charge of the Office of Statistical Investigations, 
Public Health Service, United States Department 
of the Treasury 

IRENE FARNHAM CONRAD 

Director, Syracuse Community Chest 

JOHN J. CONTWAY 

Director, Boy Life Bureau, Knights of Columbus 

EDWIN J. COOLEY 

Formerly Chief Probation Officer, Court of Gen- 
eral Sessions, New York City 



E. H. LEWINSKI CORWIN, PH.D. 

Executive Secretary, Committee on Public Health 
Relations, New York Academy of Medicine 

ARTHUR MORTON CRANE 

Secretary-Treasurer and Editor, American As- 
sociation for Hygiene and Baths 

JOHN D. CREMER, JR. 

Associate Director, Disaster Relief, American Na- 
tional Red Cross 

JANE F. CULBERT 

Secretary, National Committee on Visiting 
Teachers 

ALICE DALGLIESH 

Assistant in Kindergarten-First Grade Education, 
Teachers College, Columbia University 

GABRIEL DAVIDSON 

General Manager, Jewish Agricultural Society 

ANNE S. DAVIS 

Director, Vocational Guidance, Board of Educa- 
tion, Chicago 

STANLEY P. DAVIES, PH.D. 

Assistant Secretary, State Charities Aid Associa- 
tion, New York City 

NEVA R. DEARDORFF, PH.D. 

Director, Research Bureau, Welfare Council of 
New York 

HELEN H. DINGMAN 

Executive Secretary, Conference of Southern 
Mountain Workers 

HARRISON A. DOBBS 

Associate Professor of Social Economy, Graduate 
School of Social Service Administration, Univer- 
sity of Chicago 

A. MADORAH DONAHUE 

Supervisor, Division of Child Welfare, Board of 
Public Welfare, District of Columbia 

J. MILNOR DOREY 

Executive Secretary, Progressive Education As- 
sociation 

MABEL B. ELLIS 

Assistant Editor, Social Work Year Book, Rus- 
sell Sage Foundation 

MARY L. ELY 

Editor of Publications, American Association for 
Adult Education 



12 



Contributors 



ARTHUR H. ESTABROOK, PH.D. 

Scientific Associate, American Society for the 
Control of Cancer 

J. W. FAUST 

District Representative, National Recreation As- 
sociation 

JOHN A. FERRELL, M.D., D.P.H. 

Associate Director, International Health Division, 
Rockefeller Foundation 

JOHN A. FITCH, LL.D. 

Member of Faculty, New York School of Social 
Work 

JAMES FORD, PH.D. 

Executive Director, Better Homes in America 

EMERY M. FOSTER 

Principal Statistical Assistant, Office of Educa- 
tion, United States Department of the Interior 

ALMA W. FRAAS 

Assistant Secretary, Committee on Administrative 
Practice, American Public Health Association 

ELLA GARDNER 

Recreation Specialist, Children s Bureau, United 
States Department of Labor 

CHARLOTTE G. GARRISON 

Instructor in Kindergarten-First Grade Educa- 
tion, Teachers College, Columbia University 

LUCY H. GILLETT 

Superintendent, Nutrition Bureau, New York As- 
sociation for Improving the Condition of the Poor 

MEREDITH B. GIVENS, PH.D. 

Special Research Secretary, Social Science Re- 
search Council 

HARRY L. GLUCKSMAN 

Executive Director, Jewish Welfare Board 

SAMUEL A. GOLDSMITH 

Director, Bureau of Jewish Social Research 

MILDRED J. GORDON 

Formerly Research Assistant, Women's Bureau, 
United States Department of Labor 

HOWARD WHIPPLE GREEN 

Secretary and Director of Statistics and Research, 
Cleveland Health Council 

SIDONIE M. GRUENBERG 

Director, Child Study Association of America 
and Consultant in Parent Education, Teachers 
College, Columbia University 



BLANCHE M. HAINES, M.D. 

Director, Division of Maternal and Infant Hy- 
giene, Children's Bureau, United States De- 
partment of Labor 

FRED S. HALL, PH.D. 

Editor, Social Work Year Book, Russell Sage 
Foundation 

LEE F. HANMER 

Director, Department of Recreation, Russell Sage 
Foundation 

LUELLA HARLIN 

Executive Secretary, Philadelphia Social Service 

Exchange 

SHELBY M. HARRISON 

Vice General Director, Russell Sage Foundation 

HASTINGS H. HART, LL.D. 

Consultant in Delinquency and Penology, Russell 
Sage Foundation 

JAMES C. HEALEY 

Chaplain and Assistant Superintendent of 
Sailors' Home and Institute, New York City 

NEWTON H. HEGEL 

Director of Attendance and Administrative Re- 
search, Board of Education, Minneapolis 

LEON HENDERSON 

Director, Department of Remedial Loans, Russell 
Sage Foundation 

IRA V. HISCOCK, C.P.H. 

Associate Professor of Public Health, Yale School 
of Medicine 

MABEL FOOTE HOBBS 

Drama Consultant, National Recreation Asso- 
ciation 

EDWARD H. HOCHHAUSER 

Executive Director, Committee for the Care of the 
Jewish Tuberculous, New York City 

DAVID H. HOLBROOK 

Secretary, National Social Work Council 

RAY S. HUBBARD 

Assistant Secretary, Massachusetts Society for the 
Prevention of Cruelty to Children 

BERTHA F. HULSEMAN 

Librarian, Russell Sage Foundation 

RALPH G. HURLIN, PH.D. 

Director, Department of Statistics, Russell Sage 
Foundation 



13 



Contributors 



ROBERT B. IRWIN 

Executive Director, American Foundation for the 
Blind 

PHILIP P. JACOBS, PH.D. 

Director, Publications and Extension Service, 
National Tuberculosis Association 

FRED R. JOHNSON 

State Superintendent, Michigan Children's Aid 
Society, Detroit 

JOSEPH P. KANE, M.D., C.P.H. 

Field Consultant, American Public Health As- 
sociation 

FLORENCE KELLEY 

General Secretary, National Consumers' League 

ROBERT W. KELSO 

Director, St. Louis Community Fund and Com- 
munity Council 

ALBERT J. KENNEDY 

Secretary, National Federation of Settlements 

VAN EVRIE KILPATRICK 

Director of School Gardens, Board of Education, 
New York City 

HOWARD R. KNIGHT 

General Secretary, National Conference of Social 
Work 

WALTER KRUESI 

Director, Brooklyn Garden Apartments 

MARY LA DAME 

Investigator, Advisory Committee on Employment 
Problems appointed by the New York State In- 
dustrial Commissioner 

BENSON Y. LANDIS, PH.D. 

Executive Secretary, American Country Life As- 
sociation, and Associate Secretary, Department 
of Research and Education, Federal Council of the 
Churches of Christ in America 

KATHLEEN ORMSBY LARKIN 

Educational Assistant, National Committee for 

Mental Hygiene 

WILLIAM M. LEISERSON, PH.D. 

Professor of Economics, Antioch College 

ELIZABETH PARRISH LEITCH 

Secretary, Cleveland Mental Hygiene Association 

KATHARINE F. LENROOT 

Assistant to the Chief, Children s Bureau, United 
States Department of Labor 



W. WALTER LUDWIG 

Executive Director, Pioneer Youth of America 

JULIA A. F. LUND 

General Secretary and Treasurer, National Wo- 
man's Relief Society 

EMMA O. LUNDBERG 

Director of Studies and Surveys, Child Welfare 
League of America 

H. L. LURIE 

Superintendent, Jewish Social Service Bureau, 
Chicago 

F. EMORY LYON 

Founder and Superintendent, Central Howard 
Association 

CAREY P. MCCORD, M.D. 

Medical Director, Industrial Health Conservancy 
Laboratories 

ROSE J. MCHUGH 

Director of Field Studies, Department of Social 
Action, National Catholic Welfare Conference 

FRANCIS H. MCLEAN 

Field Director, Family Welfare Association of 
America 

KATE MCMAHON 

Educational Secretary, American Association of 
Hospital Social Workers 



DORIS MADDOW 

Secretary, Education 
League of Girls Clubs 



Department, New York 



CHESTER GEPPERT MARSH 

Director, Westchester Workshop, Westchester 
County (N. Y.) Recreation Commission 

MARGUERITE M. MARSH 

Research Secretary, National Consumers' League 

CORNELIA E. MARSHALL 

President, Association to Promote Proper Housing 
for Girls, New York 

SABINA MARSHALL 

Executive Secretary, Women's Protective Associa- 
tion, Cleveland 

LOIS HAYDEN MEEK, PH.D. 

Professor of Education and Director, Child De- 
velopment Institute, Teachers College, Columbia 
University 



14 



Contributors 



LEWIS MERIAM 

Technical Director, Survey of Indian Affairs, 
Institute for Government Research, Brookings 
Institution 

FRIEDA S. MILLER 

Director, Bureau of Women in Industry, New 
York State Department of Labor 

SPENCER MILLER, JR. 

Secretary, Workers Education Bureau of America 

RAYMOND MOLEY, PH.D. 

Professor of Public Law, Columbia University 

HARRY H. MOORE, PH.D. 

Director of Study, Committee on the Costs of Medi- 
cal Care 

MARY H. MORAN 

Executive Secretary, Association of Day Nurseries, 
New York City 

FLORENCE NESBITT 

District Superintendent and Home Economist, 
United Charities, Chicago 

FLORENCE L. NEWBOLD 

Executive Secretary, Girls' Friendly Society of the 
United States of America 

MALCOLM S. NICHOLS 

General Secretary, Family Welfare Association, 

Milwaukee 

ARTHUR T. NOREN 

Acting Director, National Recreation School, Na- 
tional Recreation Association 

LOUISE C. ODENCRANTZ 

Director, Employment Center for the Handicapped, 
New York City 

WINFRED OVERHOLSER, M.D. 

Assistant Commissioner, Massachusetts Depart- 
ment of Mental Diseases 

GEORGE TRUMAN PALMER, D.P.H. 

Director, Division of Research, American Child 
Health Association 

IDA R. PARKER 

Research Worker, Social Service Department, 
Massachusetts Memorial Hospitals, Boston 

MRS. IDA WHITE PARKER 

Director, National Plant, Flower and Fruit Guild 

ANNETTA W. PECK 

Executive Secretary, The New York League for 
the Hard of Hearing 



CAROLINE DE FORD PENNIMAN 

Superintendent, Long Lane Farm State School 
for Girls, Middletown, Conn. 

WALTER W. PETTIT, PH.D. 

Assistant Director, New York School of Social 
Work 

HELEN D. PIGEON 

Formerly Executive Secretary, International As- 
sociation of Policewomen 

MARGARET LOVELL PLUMLEY 

Assistant in Studies, Julius Rosenwald Fund 

HORATIO M. POLLOCK, PH.D. 

Director, Statistical Bureau, New York State 
Department of Mental Hygiene 

ANNA BEACH PRATT 

Director, The White-Williams Foundation, Phila- 
delphia 

GEORGE K. PRATT, M.D. 

Assistant Medical Director, National Committee 
for Mental Hygiene 

ROSE HEAD RICHARDS 

Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Aged Women, 
Family Welfare Society, Boston 

I. C. RIGGIN, M.D. 

Executive Secretary, American Heart Association 

WILLIAM HENRY ROBERTS 

Executive Director, National Association for 
Middle Age Employees 

JAMES HATHAWAY ROBINSON 

Supervisor, State Negro Welfare, Tennessee State 
Welfare Division, and Associate, Social Science 
Department, Fisk University 

LYNN ROHRBOUGH 

Director, Social Recreation Union 

MARY SWAIN ROUTZAHN 

Staff Member, Russell Sage Foundation 

WILLIAM C. SANDY, M.D. 

Director, Bureau of Mental Health, Pennsylvania 
Department of Welfare 

MRS. MARGARET SANGER 

Director, Birth Control Clinical Research Bureau 
and Chairman, National Committee on Federal 
Legislation for Birth Control 

LESTER F. SCOTT 

National Executive, Camp Fire Girls 



Contributors 



ERNEST THOMPSON SETON 

Chief, Woodcraft League of America 

WILLIAM T. SHANAHAN, M.D. 

Medical Superintendent, Craig Colony, Sonyea, 
N. Y. 

FLAVEL SHURTLEFF 

Director, Planning Foundation of America 



ELEANOR CLARKE SLAGLE 

Director, Bureau of Occupational Therapy, 



Nei 



York State Department of Mental Hygiene, and 
Secretary-Treasurer, American Occupational 
Therapy Association 

C. B. SMITH, D.SC. 

Chief, Office of Cooperative Extension Work, 
United Stales Department of Agriculture 

DON C. SMITH 

National Director, War Service, American Na- 
tional Red Cross 

WILLIAM F. SNOW, M.D. 

General Director, American Social Hygiene As- 
sociation 

EDITH REEVES SOLENBERGER 

Chairman, Public Relations Committee, Inter- 
national Society for Crippled Children 

GEORGE S. STEVENSON, M.D. 

Director, Division on Community Clinics, Na- 
tional Committee for Mental Hygiene 

HARRY C. STONE 

Field Representative, National Recreation Asso- 
ciation 

OSCAR M. SULLIVAN 

Director of Re-education, Minnesota State De- 
partment of Education 

LINTON B. SWIFT 

Executive Secretary, Family Welfare Association 
of America 

WILEY H. SWIFT 

Acting General Secretary, National Child Labor 
Committee 

CHARLES E. TERRY, M.D. 

Executive, Committee on Drug Addiction 

LAURA A. THOMPSON 

Librarian, United States Department of Labor 

RAYMOND H. TORREY 



KATHARINE TUCKER, R.N. 

General Director, National Organisation for Public 
Health Nursing 

JAY A. URICE 

Executive Secretary, Home Division, National 
Council of Young Men's Christian Associations 

MARY VAN KLEECK 

Director, Department of Industrial Studies, Rus- 
sell Sage Foundation 

WILLIAM GOULD VINAL, PH.D. 

Professor of Nature Education, Western Reserve 
University 

R. S. VOORHEES, JR., D.D.S. 

Lecturer, School of Dental Hygiene, Rochester 
(N. Y.) Dental Dispensary 

W. F. WALKER, D.P.H. 

Secretary, Committee on Administrative Practice, 
American Public Health Association 

AMEY E. WATSON, PH.D. 

Director, National Committee on Employer- 
Employee Relationships in the Home 

CHARLES F. WELLS 

Drama Specialist, National Recreation Associa- 
tion 

JAMES E. WEST, LL.D. 

Chief Scout Executive, Boy Scouts of America 

ROBERT WEST, PH.D. 

Professor of Speech Pathology and Director of the 
Speech Clinic, University of Wisconsin 

E. STAGG WHITIN, PH.D. 

Chairman, Executive Council, National Com- 
mittee on Prisons and Prison Labor 

ALFRED FREEMAN WHITMAN 

Executive Secretary, Children's Aid Association, 
Boston 

ANICE LADD WHITNEY 

Economist, Bureau of Labor Statistics, United 
States Department of Labor 

ANNE L. WHITNEY 

Director, Division of Health Education, American 
Child Health Association 



CLAIR WILCOX, PH.D. 

Secretary, American Scenic and Historic Pres- Associate Professor of Economics, Swarthmore 

ervation Society College 

16 



Contributors 



FRED M. WILCOX 

Chairman, Industrial Commission of Wisconsin 

CHARLES F. WILINSKY, M.D. 

Deputy Commissioner of Health, Boston, and 
Director, Beth Israel Hospital 

DUDLEY W. WILLARD, PH.D. 

Professor of Sociology, George Washington Uni- 
versity 

ARTHUR M. WILLIAMS 
National Recreation Association 

SIDNEY J. WILLIAMS 

Director, Public Safety Division, National Safety 
Council 

ELIZABETH WILSON 

Formerly Director of Personnel, National Board 
of Young Women's Christian Associations 



SUE ANN WILSON 

Executive Secretary, Drama League of America 

MARY N. WINSLOW 

Formerly Director of Special Studies, Women's 
Bureau, United States Department of Labor 

CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF 

Honorary Secretary, National Municipal League 

HELEN T. WOOLLEY, PH.D., LL.D. 

Professor of Education and Director, Child De- 
velopment Institute, Teachers College, Columbia 
University 

SHIRLEY W. WYNNE, M.D., D.P.H. 

Commissioner of Health, New York City 

AUGUSTUS DELAFIELD ZANZIG 

Director of National Music Service, National 
Recreation Association 



17 



TOPICAL ARTICLES, CLASSIFIED 



Asterisks (*) indicate "coordinating articles" prepared by the editors of the Year Book in order to show the 
relationship of specified articles to each other. Entries in parentheses follow articles which are listed in more thai) 
one group 



FAMILIES OR ADULT INDIVIDUALS 

Travelers' aid 

Legal aid 

Policewomen (Also in 2) 



Family welfare work* 

Family welfare societies 

Public agencies for needy families 

Relief societies 

Societies for friendly services 

Parent education (Also in 2) 

Parent -teacher movement (Also in 2) 

Public welfare, state agencies 
Public welfare, local agencies 
County and city homes 

Hospital social work (Also in 6) 

Home economics* 

Visiting housekeepers and home economists 

Fraternal orders (Also in 2) 

Mothers' aid (Also in 2) 



Girls' protective work (Also in 2) 

Begging 

Homeless persons 
Transportation of clients 

Disaster relief 

Family budgets 
Industrial insurance 

Small loans 

Birth control (Also in 6) 

Marriage laws 

Desertion and non-support 

Domestic relations courts (Also in 2) 



GROUP 2. CHILDREN 



Child welfare* 
Children's bureaus* 

Child welfare activities of the federal govern- 
ment 
Children's code commissions 

Child development research 
Parent education (Also in 1) 
Parent-teacher movement (Also in 1) 
Progressive education 
Nursery schools 
Kindergartens 

Visiting teachers 

Vocational guidance (Also in 7) 

Vocational education (Also in 7) 

Character education 

Compulsory education 

Child labor (Also in 7) 



Child protection 

Girls' protective work (Also in 1) 
Policewomen (Also in 1) 
Children born out of wedlock 
Domestic relations courts (Also in 1) 

Dependent and neglected children 

Adoption 

Mothers' aid (Also in 1) 

Day nurseries 

Juvenile courts and probation 
Detention homes 

Delinquent children, foster home care 
Delinquent boys, institution care 
Delinquent girls, institution care 

Business men's service clubs 
Fraternal orders (Also in 1) 



19 



Topical Articles, Classified 



GROUP 3. THE HANDICAPPED 



Placement of the handicapped 

Rehabilitation 

Sheltered workshops 

The blind 

Blindness, prevention of 



The deaf 

The hard of hearing 
Crippled children 
Speech disorders 





GROUP 4. 


MISCELLANEOUS CLASJ 


Immigrants and foreign communities 
Colonization 

Indians 
Negroes 


The aged 

Old age pensions 

Middle age security 

Veterans 


Rural social work 
Southern mountaineers 




Seamen 



GROUP 5. MENTAL HYGIENE 



Mental hygiene 
Mental diseases 
Mental deficiency 
Psychiatric social work 



Child guidance* 

Psychiatric clinics for children 

Clinical study of adult offenders (Also in 8) 



GROUP 6. HEALTH 



Public health 

Public health, state agencies 
Public health, local agencies 
Public health associations 
Health councils 

Health centers 
Health demonstrations 
Health education, popular 

Public health nursing 
Nursing education 
Hospital social work (Also in i) 
Occupational therapy 

Hospital care 

Clinics and out-patient departments 

Convalescent care 

Cost of medical care 



Vital and health statistics 



Medical research and social work* 

Child hygiene 

Maternal and infant hygiene 

School hygiene 

Mouth hygiene 

Nutrition work for children 

Health education in the public schools 

Tuberculosis 
Venereal diseases 
Social hygiene 
Cancer 
Heart disease 
Epilepsy 
Chronic diseases 
Drug addiction 
Alcoholism 
Diphtheria prevention 

Birth control (Also in i) 



For mental health see Mental Hygiene (Group 5). 
20 



Topical Articles, Classified 



Social research in industry 

Labor legislation for women 
Night work in industry 
Hours of work in industry 
Minimum wage 
Home work in industry 

Household employment 

Child labor (Also in 2) 

Organized labor 
Organized labor, women 



GROUP 7. INDUSTRY 

Personnel administration in industry 

Industrial accidents 
Occupational diseases 
Safety education (Also in 12) 

Labor, state agencies 

Unemployment 
Employment agencies 

Vocational guidance (Also in 2) 
Vocational education (Also in 2) 

Workers' education 



GROUP 8. CRIME AND PENAL CONDITIONS 

Penal and reformatory institutions for Adult probation 
adults Parole for adults 

Prison labor Prisoners' aid 

Clinical study of adult offenders (Also in 5) Crime commissions 



GROUP 9. RECREATION AND RELATED ACTIVITIES 



Recreation 

Parks, playgrounds, and recreation centers 
Amateur outdoor athletics and sports 
Bathing places 
Hiking 

Summer camps and day outings 

Rural organization for recreation 
Industrial recreation 
Home recreation 
Church recreation 

Nature study 
Children's gardens 

Music 

Arts and crafts 

Story telling 



Amateur dramatics 

Pageants 

Play festivals 

Social settlements 

Community centers (Also in 10) 

Boys' clubs 
Girls' clubs 

Scouting and related organizations 
Youth service associations 

Commercial recreation 
Public dance halls. 
Motion pictures 
The theater 



GROUP 10. COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION 



Community organization 

Research in community organization 

Community centers (Also in 9) 

Civic and related organizations 



Community chests and councils 
Endorsement of social agencies 
Social service exchanges 



21 



Topical Articles, Classified 



GROUP 11. CHURCH SOCIAL WORK 

Catholic social work 
Protestant social work 
Jewish social work 
iVlormon social work 



Social case work 

Social work under state governments* 

Social work as a profession 
Education for social work 
Libraries of social work 
Conferences of social work 

Women's organizations and social work' 

Social research 
Social surveys 

Statistics of social work 

Publicity in social work 



GROUP 12. MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS 

Foundations in social work 



City and regional planning 
Housing 

Residences for boys and men 
Housing for girls and women 

Education, state agencies 

Adult education 

Civil liberties 

Safety education (Also in 7) 



22 



TOPICAL ARTICLES 



ACCIDENT PREVENTION. See Safety 
Education and Industrial Accidents. 

ACCIDENTS, INDUSTRIAL. See Indus- 
trial Accidents. 

ADOPTION is a means of creating by law 
the relationship of parent and child. It is a 
matter of public concern because it implies 
the severance of relationships existing among 
blood kindred and the voluntary assumption 
of parental obligations through a legal proc- 
ess. 

History and Present Status. Adoption was 
known to many of the ancient peoples. It is 
an old institution in Japan and India, but a 
new one in England, where it was unknown to 
the law until authorized in 1926. Legal pro- 
vision for adoption is now practically uni- 
versal in Europe, Canada, and the United 
States, but much less so in South and Central 
America. 

In the United States provision for adop- 
tion now appears in the statutory law of 
every state. These acts show the influence 
of two distinct lines of thought: (1) the con- 
cept of adoption as a means of acquiring an 
heir to property — this concept having de- 
scended from the civil law tradition; (2) the 
idea of a new human relationship entered 
upon primarily for the good of the child, and 
for the purpose of giving him a home— an 
idea illustrated by the Massachusetts law of 
1851. 

The civil law tradition as embodied in the 
Code Napoleon has influenced legislation in 
those parts of the country which were orig- 
inally subject to France (as Louisiana), or to 
Spain (as California and Texas). In sections 
where the common law of England was the 
model there was originally no legal provision 
for adoption, since there was none in the 



English law. Although adoption was un- 
known to the law in England, its common 
law of master and servant, with its provisions 
concerning apprenticeship, indenture, and 
binding out, became incorporated into the 
early statutory law of the states. Under 
the English indenture system the "poor and 
laborious part of the community when past 
the age of nurture" could be taken from their 
parents without their consent, or over their 
objection, and indentured or apprenticed 
during minority by the guardian of the poor. 
This method was undesirable because it 
tended to encourage parents to give up their 
children, and institutions to receive them 
without proper consideration of other pos- 
sibilities for care. Abuses in connection with 
foundling asylums and lying-in homes be- 
came common. Also, compulsory indenture 
of children was an invasion of parental 
rights and was contrary to that principle of 
adoption which bases it on parental consent. 
Modern adoption legislation recognizes the 
essentiality of parental consent and shows a 
tendency to consider human values and 
acknowledge the supervisory duty of the 
state. 

The Massachusetts statute of 185 1, the 
first real adoption law in this country, pro- 
vided for petition to the probate court, 
written consent of the parents, if living, or of 
guardian, next of kin, or next friend if the 
parents were deceased; joint petition of the 
adoptive parents, if married, and the grant- 
ing of the decree by the judge when satisfied 
"that the adoption was fit and proper." The 
best present adoption legislative practice 
considers primarily the welfare of the child, 
but seeks also to safeguard the interests of 
both natural and adoptive parents. This 
emphasis upon human values is evident in 
the growing number of legal provisions for 
(1) a social investigation, pending hearing of 



23 



Adoption 



the case, which is designed to guide the judge 
in making his decision, and inquires not only 
into the antecedents of the child, his physical 
and mental condition, and his parents' rea- 
sons for permitting adoption, but also into 
the suitability of the prospective adoptive 
parents and their motive for desiring adop- 
tion; (2) proper consent of the parents, and 
of the child if over a specified age; (3) resi- 
dence of the child in the prospective adoptive 
home for a specified period; (4) restrictions 
upon parental transfer of custody; (5) licens- 
ing by the state of child-placing agencies and 
maternity homes, together with control and 
supervision of adoption from such agencies; 
(6) appeal from the decree; (7) annulment 
for good cause; and (8) changes in the 
reciprocal rights and duties resulting from 
adoption. Other important features in 
adoption legislation are the proper safeguard- 
ing of records and the vesting of jurisdiction 
in specified courts. 

The number of adoptions decreed annually 
is not known. Approximately 250,000 chil- 
dren, legitimate and illegitimate, were under 
the guardianship of public and private child- 
caring agencies in 1926, and each year prob- 
ably more than 50,000 illegitimate children 
are born. Large numbers of these children 
are not available for adoption, but the pos- 
sibility of this as a method of care is a factor 
to be considered. Moreover, many children 
not in agency care are adopted each year. 

In recent years adoption legislation has 
received a great deal of attention and the 
laws have been extensively revised. The 
subject has been considered by all state child 
welfare commissions and many revisions 
have been made in accordance with their 
recommendations. See Children's Code 
Commissions. In 1925 the federal Children's 
Bureau published a study of adoption laws of 
the United States which showed how widely 
the laws varied and emphasized the sig- 
nificant features of the more recent statutes. 
During the next four years 27 states enacted 
new adoption legislation or amended existing 
laws. Legislative provisions for state licens- 
ing, or supervision of maternity hospitals and 



child-caring institutions and agencies, have 
also definitely affected their handling of 
adoption. 

Only within recent years have studies been 
made of adoption procedure and practice and 
of the results of this method of child care. I n 
1925 the procedure and practice of adoption 
in Pennsylvania was studied. Somewhat 
similar studies followed in Massachusetts and 
Illinois. At least two studies have attempted 
to evaluate adoption as a form of social 
treatment. See references at end of this 
article. 

The private agencies most directly inter- 
ested in adoption are children's aid and 
home-finding societies, institutions which do 
placing out, and maternity homes and 
agencies working with unmarried mothers. 
Among the public agencies are courts which 
have jurisdiction over adoption, and public 
welfare agencies, municipal, county or state, 
which are increasingly being given responsi- 
bility for safeguarding both the process and 
the results of adoption. The federal Chil- 
dren's Bureau, through its investigations and 
reports, and the Child Welfare League of 
America, through its surveys of child-caring 
agencies and institutions in different sections 
of the country and through regional con- 
ferences, have stimulated interest in adop- 
tion and in efforts to study and improve pro- 
cedure. Further study along this line is 
needed. With a problem so extensive, and 
with such variation in legislation and in the 
administration of laws, much remains to be 
done before adoption as a social asset can be 
constructively conserved. 

Developments and Events, IQ29. During the 
year at least five states— Massachusetts, 
Nebraska, Pennsylvania, Utah, and Wis- 
consin—enacted laws amending and improv- 
ing previous legislation in minor ways. Stud- 
ies in progress during the year include a 
study of adoption in Ohio under the auspices 
of the State Department of Charities; a 
study of adoption in Hamilton County, Ohio 
(Cincinnati), and of the social policies of the 
juvenile court and child-caring agencies 



24 



Adult Education 



underthe auspices of the Child Welfare League 
of America; and a study of the adoption 
laws of the United States from 1925 to 1929, 
inclusive, under the auspices of the federal 
Children's Bureau. 

Consult: Children's Bureau, United States De- 
partment of Labor: Adoption Laws of the United 
States (Bulletin No. 148), 1925; Abbott, Grace: 
"Adoption, Modern," in Encyclopaedia of the Social 
Sciences, vol. 1, 1930; Gesell, Arnold: Psycho- 
clinical Guidance in Child Adoption (Children's 
Bureau, United States Department of Labor), 
1926, and "Reducing the Risks of Child Adoption," 
in Bulletin of Child Welfare League of America, 
May, 1927; Nims, Elinor: The Illinois Adoption Law 
and Its Administration, 1928; Theis, Sophie V. S.: 
How Foster Children Turn Out (State Charities 
Aid Association, New York), 1924; Parker, Ida 
R.: Fit and Proper? (The Boston Church Home 
Society), 1927; Deardorff, Neva R.: Report of the 
Commission Appointed to Study and Revise the 
Statutes of Pennsylvania Relating to Children, 1925. 

Ida R. Parker 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 579. 

ADULT EDUCATION is a comparatively 
recent term which covers various new ven- 
tures in educational theory and practice, and 
also many older types of education, viewed 
in a new light and informed by a new spirit 
and purpose. Its basic idea is that con- 
tinuous mental growth and activity are neces- 
sary for personal and social well-being. 

History and Present Status. Although the 
movement for adult education in the United 
States was not so designated until 1924, its 
roots extend back as far as the New England 
town meeting of the seventeenth century. 
The town lyceum of the nineteenth century 
carried on this educational tradition. Later 
developments — chautauquas, correspond- 
ence courses, university extension lectures, 
forums, institutes, night school classes, 
Americanization work, workers' education, 
and the rapidly expanding educational ser- 
vices of free public libraries — were all out- 



ward and visible signs of an inner conviction 
that in spite of the opinion of psychologists 
and pedagogues, men and women might 
profitably resume the learning process at 
any age. 

The impulse to correlate these scattered 
educational activities was inspired in part by 
the formation in England of the Workers' 
Educational Association in 1903. This was 
the expression in organizational form of a 
tradition of education for adult workers 
that was then almost a century old. Eng- 
lishmen also took the initiative in establish- 
ing the World Association for Adult Educa- 
tion in 1918, with headquarters in London. 
Increasing recognition of the British move- 
ment and observance of the interest in adult 
education manifested in many parts of this 
country led the Carnegie Corporation of New 
York in 1924 to make an inquiry into Ameri- 
can conditions. A series of five Studies in 
Adult Education resulted and the organiza- 
tion of the American Association for Adult 
Education followed in 1926. The Associa- 
tion has functioned as a clearing house for 
the findings of the varied enterprises in adult 
education. It has also initiated and sponsored 
research studies, and has conducted experi- 
ments in cooperation with other agencies. 
The membership of the Association numbers 
approximately 1,000, but this is an inade- 
quate index of its educational influence, 
since many of its individual members are 
leaders, organizers, and teachers, who often 
represent large numbers of students. 

The extent of the adult education move- 
ment may best be visualized from an enu- 
meration of the agencies that contribute to it. 
The list includes: libraries; museums; uni- 
versities and colleges, through their exten- 
sion departments, and other extra-mural ac- 
tivities; agricultural colleges, working in co- 
operation with the federal Department of 
Agriculture; public schools, through their 
various extensions; cooperative schools; 
parent education associations; correspond- 
ence schools; chautauquas; lyceums; open 
forums; people's institutes; people's colleges; 
labor schools and workers' education classes; 



25 



Adult Education 



corporation schools; special summer schools; 
national associations, fraternal, religious, and 
the like; clubs of many kinds; and other 
enterprises so individualistic as to defy classi- 
fication. Nor is this list exhaustive. For 
instance, the growing importance of radio 
broadcasting, and of motion pictures, with 
or without sound, is definitely affecting 
the initial concepts of educational method. 
Since adult education is addressed to men 
and women mainly occupied in earning a 
livelihood, its program must be adjusted to 
times of leisure. Hence it concentrates in 
evening classes, and in summer schools which 
maybe in session for a fewdaysorfor months. 

Adult education activities have important 
aspects in common that differentiate them 
from the compulsory education which chil- 
dren and adolescents undergo. Adult educa- 
tion students are, as a rule, mature men and 
women whose interests are more or less indi- 
vidualized — voluntary students who con- 
tinue in classes only as long as they gain 
something that seems vital and related to 
their life experience. In planning curricula 
the needs and desires of such students must 
therefore be consulted to a far greater degree 
than those of younger students. Significant 
tendencies have sprung from this circum- 
stance. Teachers are called upon to meet a 
demand that cuts across the traditional 
divisions of knowledge, and takes material 
which will contribute to an understanding of 
human situations wherever it can be found. 
In order that the students' fund of experi- 
ence may be drawn upon for the benefit of 
the group, the discussion method, which 
gives students an opportunity for active 
participation, is widely used. What may be 
called a technique of discussion is being 
developed by educators in this field. 

A new fellowship is manifesting itself 
among individuals and agencies concerned in 
adult education, resulting in community 
programs like that under which Chester 
County, Pa., has promoted a county library 
movement, formed a county drama league, 
and started a lecture bureau service. Among 
the large cities that in various ways have 



organized their adult education work on a 
community basis are Cleveland, Buffalo, 
Detroit, Chicago, Dallas, Brooklyn, New 
York City, and Nashville. Community 
organization of adult education facilities is 
proceeding also in Boston, Washington, 
D. C, Pittsburgh, Minneapolis, Duluth, St. 
Louis, and Los Angeles. In rural districts 
government agencies, like the Extension 
Service of the United States Department of 
Agriculture, and voluntary local associations 
are leading in the adult education movement. 
The little theatre movement provides adults 
with opportunities for creative, self-expres- 
sive work along lines ordinarily blocked in 
their every-day activity. Footlights Across 
America (1929), a study of this movement 
by Kenneth Macgowan, revealed the fact 
that there are more than 1,000 little theatres 
in this country which play to audiences 
totaling more than half a million persons. 

Developments and Events, ig2g. A number 
of experiments carried on during the year 
indicate the direction in which adult educa- 
tion is expanding. The possibilities of radio 
broadcasting as a mechanism in the field 
were made the subject of an investigation 
under the auspices of the American Associa- 
tion for Adult Education, and an evaluation 
of university correspondence courses was 
begun. The first named study paralleled 
another on the same subject begun by an 
Advisory Committee on Education by Radio, 
appointed by Secretary Wilbur of the federal 
Department of the Interior. During the 
year also a study of alumni education was 
completed by the American Alumni Council; 
this had been inaugurated in an earlier year 
in the belief that colleges and universities 
should foster continuing intellectual relation- 
ships with their students after graduation. 
Finally, many state departments of edu- 
cation—those of Delaware, Rhode Island, 
and Wyoming particularly— broadened and 
strengthened their programs of adult educa- 
tion, the department in Idaho beginning a 
survey of the entire field. In August the 
first World Conference on Adult Education 



26 



Adult Probation 



met in Cambridge, England, with more than 
60 Americans in attendance. 

Consult: Fisher, Dorothy Canfield: Why Stop 
Learning? 1927; World Association for Adult 
Education: International Handbook of Adult 
Education, 1929; Lindeman, E. C: The Meaning 
of Adult Education, 1926, and "Adult Education," 
in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 1, 1930; 
Peffer, Nathaniel: New Schools for Older Students, 
1926; Thorndike, E. L., and others: Adult Learn- 
ing, 1928; and " Bibliography of Adult Education" 
(annotated), in Journal of Adult Education, Janu- 
ary, 1930 (Reprints may be obtained from the 
American Association for Adult Education). 

Mary L. Ely 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 579. 

ADULT PROBATION has been defined as a 
system used in suitable instances to discipline 
and to improve the conduct of convicted 
adult offenders without commitment to an 
institution, by release on good behavior un- 
der the authoritative, helpful oversight of an 
official of the court known as a probation 
officer. Probation is thus an attempt to 
change the attitude and habits of delinquents 
and to enlarge their group relationships in 
order that they may develop into normal, 
self-supporting citizens. 

The success or failure of probation de- 
pends necessarily upon the kind of human 
material with which the probation officer has 
to work, as well as upon his own fitness for 
the task. Experience has shown, for in- 
stance, that drug addicts, confirmed in- 
ebriates, the feeble-minded with fixed anti- 
social habits, and some types of habitual 
offenders rarely do well on probation. In 
order that a judge may decide wisely whether 
probation should be granted or not, it is 
essential that he should have the benefit of 
a comprehensive social study of the individ- 
ual. There should be a complete survey, 
analysis, and interpretation of the legal and 
social history of the offender, his personal 
history, education and early life, family and 
neighborhood conditions, industrial history, 



mental and physical status, character and 
conduct, and the etiology of the maladjust- 
ment. The social diagnosis made possible 
through such means is of value also to the 
probation officer, for he must determine a 
plan of treatment in accordance with the 
problem that the delinquent presents, in the 
event that probation is ordered. Possessed 
of such information, the probation officer can 
proceed to formulate an effective plan for 
personality adjustment and social rehabilita- 
tion. 

It is believed by many persons that pro- 
bation can be administered more effectively 
where there is a division of staff into separate 
groups of officers for investigation and super- 
vision. Such persons hold that this plan of 
organization brings about a desirable spe- 
cialization and concentration in the work of 
diagnosis of the delinquent and in the treat- 
ment of the probationer, and that the system 
where a probation officer is called upon both 
to investigate and supervise cases has not 
succeeded. Other persons in the field main- 
tain, however, that diagnosis and treatment 
are parts of a single, continuing process which 
should not be divided. They hold also that 
service by districts— made possible under 
such a plan, if the department is large 
enough— is more economical of time for the 
probation department. 

It is generally agreed that probation, 
whether for children or adults, must be 
carried on in accordance with certain mini- 
mum standards if it is to be successful in 
changing delinquent attitudes or habits of 
life. First of all it is essential that adequate 
personnel be provided. Some authorities in 
this field believe that no probation officer 
assigned to investigation should be respon- 
sible for more than 12 cases a month, and 
that no probation officer doing supervision 
should have more than 40 cases assigned to 
him at any time. Understanding and active 
cooperation between judges and probation 
officers are also essential to good probation 
work. 

Suspension of sentence, with probation 
supervision for a period of years, is not to be 



27 



Adult Probation 



regarded as an expression of leniency. Prop- 
erly administered, with the probationer 
held to a high standard of conduct and regu- 
lar reports, it is a form of discipline which 
frequently lasts longer than would the sen- 
tence to an institution. The probationer is 
required to work steadily, to support his 
family, and to live an orderly life under the 
careful guidance of a probation officer. Pro- 
bation protects society from the menace of 
the criminal as thoroughly as does institu- 
tional confinement, and the expense to the 
community is considerably less. 

History and Present Status. The first pro- 
bation law in the United States was passed in 
Massachusetts in 1878; it applied to the city 
of Boston only, and was an outgrowth of the 
work of John Augustus, a cobbler. For some 
time he had been taking under supervision 
youthful offenders who, in the opinion of the 
judges before whom they appeared, would be 
benefited more by this treatment than by a 
term in prison. Apparently Augustus had 
achieved a considerable degree of success 
with his wards. Until 1899, when Rhode 
Island passed a law establishing juvenile and 
adult probation, no other state had author- 
ized this type of treatment, but by the end 
of 191 7 laws for some form of probation (in- 
cluding both adult and juvenile probation) 
existed in every state and the District of 
Columbia. Such laws now include adult 
probation in 33 states and in the District of 
Columbia, but state-wide systems have been 
developed in only nine states— Massa- 
chusetts, New York, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, Vermont, Michigan, Illinois, New 
Jersey, and Pennsylvania. In 19 states, how- 
ever, provision is made for some form of 
state supervision. Under such systems, uni- 
form methods of probation are established 
and increased efficiency results. In addition, 
a state bureau may act as a center for the dis- 
semination of information and cooperate in 
many ways with local probation departments. 
A federal probation law was adopted in 
1925 which gave each judge of the United 
States district courts the power to appoint 



one salaried probation officer. The number 
of voluntary or unpaid officers was not 
limited. The federal appropriation for pro- 
bation for 1930 was only $25,000. A bill 
is now before Congress which would en- 
able the judge of any United States dis- 
trict court to appoint as many salaried pro- 
bation officers as he deems necessary to carry 
on the work, subject to the approval of the 
Department of Justice, which has the power 
to fix salaries. The bill provides that the 
attorney general, or his authorized agent, 
shall exercise general supervision over the 
administration of the probation service in 
the United States courts. 

There are about 2,000 probation officers 
supervising adult probationers in the United 
States. Salaries range from $1,000 to $3,000 
a year. Higher salaries are paid to deputy 
chief and chief probation officers, the latter 
of whom in some instances receive salaries of 
$8,500 to $9,000 a year. 

In 1925 a Probation Bureau was estab- 
lished under the auspices of the Catholic 
Charities of the Archdiocese of New York at 
the Court of General Sessions in New York 
City. It was intended to be a laboratory in 
which to demonstrate the potentialities of 
probation work when carried on scientifically 
with adequate financial support and com- 
petent administration. Good standards of 
investigation and supervision procedure 
were followed under the direction of a capable 
executive. Social diagnosis and case work 
treatment, undertaken by a corps of well- 
qualified probation officers, formed the back- 
bone of the experiment. Sufficient remun- 
eration was offered to attract college grad- 
uates of good personality. Psychiatric clinic 
service and adequate clerical assistance were 
provided. Only 19 per cent of the defendants 
were placed on probation, in comparison 
with from 35 to 40 per cent previously. Thus, 
as a result of comprehensive social investiga- 
tions, the number placed on probation was 
decreased, but there resulted a better selec- 
tion of cases for probationary treatment. 
At the end of the demonstration period, on 
January 1, 1927, the work of the Probation 



28 



The Aged 



Bureau and much of its staff was taken over 
by the Court of General Sessions. This 
demonstration was the first experiment of its 
kind in America. It has provided a stimulus 
for the founding of similar probation systems 
in other places, and the improvement of 
existing systems. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Probation officers are usually required to 
meet certain educational requirements; pref- 
erably they should be college graduates and 
should have had training in social case work 
and in scientific methods of treating offend- 
ers. If volunteer service is used, the workers 
should be carefully selected and trained and 
should be under the supervision of the chief 
probation officer. All probation officers 
should be appointed from civil service 
eligible lists, established after competitive 
examinations to test their knowledge of the 
essentials of the work. This procedure, or 
some other form of selection through com- 
petitive examination, is followed in nine 
states— Alabama, California, Georgia, Mon- 
tana, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Rhode 
Island, and Wisconsin. In some states the 
practice of appointment through competitive 
examinations is state-wide. The state of 
New York specifies, for example, that no one 
shall be eligible for the position of probation 
officer who is "under 21, or over 60 years of 
age, or who has not the equivalent of a high 
school education, or who is not physically, 
mentally, or morally fitted. Such probation 
officers shall be selected because of definite 
qualifications as to character, period of train- 
ing, and primarily with respect to their 
capacity for rightly influencing human be- 
havior." In other states, civil service re- 
quirements are observed only in the larger 
counties of the state. Adult probation offi- 
cers in Hennepin County, Minn., are ap- 
pointed by the judges of the district court 
who have the power to determine qualifica- 
tions and hold competitive examinations for 
the position. Following appointment, all 
probation officers should undergo a period of 
training within probation departments. 



Legislation, iq2q. During the year Cali- 
fornia (Ch. 512) established a Division of 
Probation in the State Department of Social 
Welfare to survey, supervise, and standardize 
all probation work, both juvenile and adult, 
within the state. For this purpose $20,000 
was appropriated for two years. An investi- 
gation and report by a probation officer was 
also required before an offender could be 
placed on probation. New Jersey (Ch. 156) 
combined its probation laws in one act and 
defined more satisfactorily the terms and 
conditions which the court may impose upon 
the probationer. Minnesota (Ch. 326) au- 
thorized the Adult Probation Department 
of Hennepin County (Minneapolis) to collect 
alimony and support for wives or children; to 
make investigations and reports in criminal 
cases as well as in divorce cases; to exercise 
supervision over children in such cases; to 
compel persons ordered to pay support or 
alimony to make payments by instituting 
contempt proceedings, when necessary, and 
to perform other duties for the protection of 
children and indigent mothers as may be 
directed by the court. West Virginia (Ch. 
29) authorized the appointment of an adult 
probation officer in Kanawha County 
(Charleston). He is the first publicly paid 
probation officer to be appointed in that 
state. 

Consult: Johnson, Fred R.: Probation for Juve- 
niles and Adults, 1928; Cooley, Edwin J.: Proba- 
tion and Delinquency, 1927; Sutherland, Edwin 
H.: Criminology, 1924; Gillin, L. : Criminology 
and Penology, 1926; Robinson, Louis N.: Penology 
in the United States, 192 1 ; also the Proceedings and 
Reports of the national agencies listed in National 
Agencies, Classified. 

Edwin J. Cooley 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 579. 

THE AGED. The care of the aged poor, 
long a subject of thought and planning by 
social workers, has recently become of special 
interest to the community because of the in- 
crease in the number of dependent aged. 



29 



The Aged 



According to the census of 1920 the num- 
ber of persons 65 years old or over was 
4,933,2 1 5, or 4.67 per cent of the population. 
Estimates vary widely as to the incidence of 
dependency in this group, but most authori- 
tative surveys indicate that nearly one-third 
are dependent, having no property or income 
of their own, or insufficient income on which 
to live. A report in 1925 by the Massa- 
chusetts Commission on Pensions, one of the 
best statistical studies of this subject, showed 
that 1 5.6 per cent of the persons studied— all 
of whom were over 65 years of age— were 
dependent on public sources. About one-half 
of the latter were dependent on military or 
other pensions, and half on charitable agen- 
cies or on institutional care. 

Many proposals have been made in recent 
years for the care of these people. The 
Bishops' Program of the National Catholic 
Welfare Conference demands a complete sys- 
tem of social insurance on a contributory 
basis. The American Federation of Labor 
passed a resolution in 1922 definitely advo- 
cating state pensions, and many employers 
favor them. Ten states already have such 
laws. See Old Age Pensions. 

Present Status. The dependent aged are 
cared for in five ways: by their friends or 
relatives, in almshouses, in their own homes 
or the homes of relatives by means of private 
or public relief, in private institutions, or in 
nursing homes. These forms of care will be 
considered in turn. 

Although the figures just quoted indicate 
that about half of the dependent aged look 
to their own families for support, it is often 
difficult for grown children who themselves 
have low earnings to be responsible for their 
aged parents. " Modern city housing, of the 
sort which small income people can afford, 
usually means crowding. Small flats and 
cheap apartments provide no space for an in- 
active person such as an aged man or woman 
is apt to be. . . Most of the aged persons 
reported that their sons or daughters had 
young families and small earnings and could 
not afford to do more than pay the rent for 



them." (Old Age Dependency, issued by the 
State Department of Social Welfare of Cali- 
fornia in 1928, pp. 35-36.) 

According to the United States census 
(Paupers in Almshouses: 1923) there were 
41,980 persons 65 years of age or over in 
almshouses. From 1910 to 1923 there was an 
increase in the number of inmates in each age 
period for 65 years on, while the number 
under 65 years decreased. These figures in- 
dicate an increasing use of the almshouse for 
the care of the aged. The American alms- 
house has been much criticized in the past, 
and justly so. Improvement has come, how- 
ever, where city and county authorities have 
together built large units which make pos- 
sible the segregation of like groups and 
usually include infirmaries where the chronic- 
ally sick are given adequate medical and 
nursing care, occupational therapy, and 
recreation. Such homes are now found in 
most large cities. Virginia, West Virginia, 
North Carolina, Illinois, Michigan, and Ala- 
bama are beginning to recognize the economy 
and efficiency of the large unit and are reduc- 
ing the number of small almshouses by con- 
solidation. The cottage plan for able-bodied 
inmates is now being used in some states. 
Small congenial groups are placed in home- 
like surroundings. See County and City 
Homes. 

Family welfare societies have undoubtedly 
developed the most efficient and most ade- 
quate methods of furnishing relief, including 
that given to the aged in their homes; the 
relief is more closely supervised and better 
adjusted to individual needs, but the increas- 
ing number of aged dependents, and their 
continued need, renders it impossible for 
private societies to cope with the situation 
without city or state aid. In Massachusetts 
it has been found that relief to the aged at 
home costs less than institutional care. Its 
advantages are obvious, particularly for 
women who find the freedom from super- 
vision and the possibility of approximating 
home conditions in a housekeeping room in 
an environment to which they have been 
accustomed far preferable to life in even the 



30 



The Aged 



best-managed institutions. But such relief is 
frequently inadequate and is sometimes given 
to persons who are physically or mentally 
unable to make judicious use of it. 

The most conspicuous means by which the 
aged receive care are private institutions 
operating under a variety of auspices. Com- 
prehensive and recent information concern- 
ing these institutions appears in a report of 
the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, 
issued in October, 1929 (Bulletin No. 489). 
This report lists 1,268 such institutions and 
gives information for 1,036 of them. In the 
latter 68,661 persons received care. In- 
cluded are 444 homes under religious aus- 
pices, 360 under private philanthropic aus- 
pices, 102 under fraternal orders, 32 for 
nationality groups, 5 for trade union mem- 
bers, 55 federal and state homes, mainly 
for ex-soldiers and sailors, and 38 other 
homes. 

Figures as to the charges made by private 
homes need be quoted only for those under 
religious or philanthropic auspices, since 
these two groups together constitute more 
than three-quarters of the total. Two- 
thirds of such homes charge admission fees, 
and over one-quarter of those without ad- 
mission fees have charges for board. The 
largest group with admission fees are homes 
that require between $500 and $600; and 
for the largest group requiring payment for 
board, monthly rates of from $20 to $40 per 
month are established. Admission to private 
homes is usually restricted also by require- 
ments as to age and membership in a church 
of a specified denomination or in a fraternal 
order. Where requirements are few the 
waiting lists are long. 

Many of the aged are chronically ill. To 
supplement the inadequate facilities for this 
class, private hospital nursing homes have 
been established. Like the small-unit alms- 
house, they usually lack the resident doctor 
and trained nurse. Practical nurses of a 
rather high type are employed, and a doctor 
is called upon for occasional services. See 
Chronic Diseases. In some states such 
homes are now being licensed and inspected. 

3 3 



There are no free nursing homes, and prices 
vary from $12 to $35 a week, depending upon 
whether the patient is in a ward or a private 
room, and upon the type of attendant. 

Developments and Events, ig2g. That this 
form of work has not lost its old appeal to 
the generous is suggested by the fact that 
during the year 21 new homes were opened 
and additions to many older homes were 
built. Some private institutions reported the 
establishment of a system of careful investi- 
gation of all applicants by professional case- 
workers, more careful keeping of records, and 
the introduction of vocational training, thus 
adding to the self-respect and contentment 
of inmates. Local studies in this field were 
made or begun during the year in several 
cities: in Milwaukee the Central Council of 
Social Agencies studied old age relief; in 
Chicago the Council of Social Agencies stud- 
ied the intake problem of homes for the 
aged; in Washington a general survey was 
made covering the care of the aged; and in 
New York City, under the auspices of the 
Welfare Council, a study was made of the 
chronically ill in private institutions and of 
age discrimination in industry. I n New York 
State a commission was established by the 
legislature to study the most practical and 
efficient method of providing security against 
old age dependency; and the Joint Legisla- 
tive Welfare Committee, which had been 
studying almshouse conditions for two years, 
was continued. The Chicago Associated 
Jewish Charities announced plans for a 
study of old age dependency. 

Consult: Bureau of Labor Statistics, United 
States Department of Labor: Care of Aged Per- 
sons in the United States (Bulletin No. 489), Oc- 
tober, 1929; Ohio Department of Public Welfare: 
Care of Aged and Infirm in Ohio (Vol. 6, No. 1), 
1929; State Department of Social Welfare of Cali- 
fornia: Old Age Dependency, 1928; National Civic 
Federation: Study of the Extent of Old Age De- 
pendency, 1928; "The Non-Institutional Aged 
Poor," in American Labor Legislation Review, 
June, 1929; Bulletin of American Association for 
Old Age Security, October, 1929; Russell Sage 
Foundation Library: Provisions for Care of the 



Alcoholism 



Aged (a selected bibliography), Bulletin No. 75, 
1926; Epstein, Abraham: The Challenge of the 
Aged, 1928; and papers read before the Chicago 
Conference on the Care of the Aged, March, 1930, 
in Social Service Review, June, 1930. For refer- 
ences relating to old age pensions and almshouses 
see Old Age Pensions and County and City 
Homes. 

(Mrs.) Rose Head Richards 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 579. 

AGRICULTURAL COLONIES. See Col- 
onization. 

ALCOHOLISM is a disease caused by ex- 
cessive drinking of alcoholic liquors. After 
moderate or intemperate drinking, con- 
tinued through months or years, chronic 
alcoholism may develop. Alcoholism in its 
chronic form may be manifested by dipso- 
mania, delirium tremens, acute or chronic 
hallucinoses, paranoid states, Korsakoff's 
syndrome, or by a general state of physical 
and mental deterioration in which the 
stomach, liver, blood vessels, and other 
organs are affected. 

For ordinary drunkenness, without com- 
plications, rest in a warm bed until the poison 
is eliminated is usually found sufficient; for 
more serious conditions active measures are 
necessary to expedite elimination by emetics, 
cathartics, or diuretics. Chronic alcohol- 
ism, either with or without mental disease, 
requires prolonged treatment. The use of 
alcohol is immediately or gradually discon- 
tinued, medicines are given as indicated, and 
an effort is made to establish a routine of 
hygienic living. In cases of alcoholic mental 
disease or of confirmed inebriety, treatment 
in an institution is usually required. Recov- 
ery within a year ordinarily follows such 
treatment, though relapse necessitating read- 
mission frequently occurs if the use of alco- 
holic liquor is resumed. 

History and Present Status. Special institu- 
tions for the treatment of inebriates exist at 



present in England and on the continent of 
Europe. In the United States during the 
second half of the nineteenth century and 
the first 15 years of the present century the 
establishment of homes or asylums for in- 
ebriates was advocated by many social or- 
ganizations. The first institution resulting 
from such agitation was the New York State 
Inebriate Asylum at Binghamton, N. Y., 
started in September, 1858. The institution 
fulfilled its purpose for several years, but in 
1879 it was converted into an asylum for the 
insane. An institution for inebriates in New 
York State was in operation at Fort Hamil- 
ton, in Kings County, between 1869 and 1898, 
and another at Warwick, in Orange County, 
between 1 9 1 3 and 1 920. The former was dis- 
continued for lack of funds, and the latter for 
lack of patients. Massachusetts opened the 
Foxborough Hospital for Dipsomaniacs and 
Inebriates in 1891. The institution after 
caring for alcoholics for 23 years transferred 
its patients to the Norfolk State Hospital 
and became a state hospital for the insane. 
The treatment of inebriates in the Norfolk 
institution was discontinued in 1918. In 
1904 the State of Iowa established an institu- 
tion for inebriates at Knoxville. It at first 
received from 300 to 400 patients a year, but 
was later converted to other uses. Minne- 
sota organized a state farm for inebriates at 
Willmar in 1912 but in 1917 converted it into 
a state hospital for the insane. So far as 
known to the author, there is not at the 
present time in the United States a single 
public institution solely for the treatment of 
inebriates; nor is there any national agency 
covering this problem specifically in its field 
of work. 

The laws of several states provide for the 
commitment of inebriates to either public or 
private institutions for mental disease, but 
the number so committed in recent years has 
been very small. Patients with alcoholic 
mental disease are admitted to state or 
private licensed institutions for the insane 
on the same terms as other patients. In 
19 10 alcoholic cases constituted one-tenth of 
all admissions to such hospitals in the 



32 



Amateur Outdoor Athletics and Sports 



United States; in 1922 the proportion had 
dropped to 3.7 per cent. 

Consult: White and Jelliffe: The Modern Treat- 
ment of Nervous and Mental Diseases (Chap. 7, 
by H. W. Mitchell), 1913; Hurd, Henry M. and 
others: The Institutional Care of the Insane in the 
United States and Canada (Vols. 1 and 2), 1916- 
1917; and reports of the Commission on Inebriety 
of New York City, 1913-1917. 

Horatio M. Pollock 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. 

ALMSHOUSES. See County and City 
Homes. 

AMATEUR DRAMATICS in cities, towns, 
villages, and rural districts has had a remark- 
able growth in recent years. Estimates sup- 
plied by different authorities indicate that 
there are no less than 30,000 amateur player 
groups in the country at the present time. A 
third of these groups are connected with 
schools and colleges, another third are under 
the auspices of churches, and the remainder 
under the guidance of settlement houses, 
community centers, city recreation depart- 
ments, and institutions. In churches the 
ancient prejudice against the theatre and 
dramatic representations has almost dis- 
appeared. The value of religious drama as 
part of a church service, as well as the value 
of secular drama for the recreation and train- 
ing of church members, has been recognized. 
To assist individual churches in their dra- 
matic work, the national headquarters of 
many religious denominations have special 
service bureaus which suggest plays to be 
used and in several instances rent costumes 
at a minimum charge. The recently organized 
Church and Drama League of America will 
probably stimulate further activity in church 
groups by supplying information, advice, 
and lists of plays to its members. See Church 
Recreation. 

In settlement houses, community centers, 
and departments of recreation many new 
dramatic clubs for adults and for children 



have been organized for the serious study and 
production of plays and pageants. Classes 
in drama and public speaking have been un- 
dertaken recently to train amateur players 
and directors, as well as to develop self- 
confidence and poise in their pupils. A dra- 
matic novelty promoted by directors of 
recreation, and popular not only in towns and 
cities but in villages and rural sections as 
well, is the one-act play tournament in which 
organized groups compete. In recreational 
groups the slogan might well be "mass par- 
ticipation," since it is the aim of all directors 
to enable as many people as possible to par- 
ticipate in plays and pageants regardless of 
their previous training or experience. See 
Pageants and Play Festivals. For the 
little theatre movement and the community 
playhouse development see The Theatre. 

Dramatic presentations in institutions 
made appreciable gains during 1929. In a 
large industrial school for boys several 
active players' clubs were formed. The boy 
who conducts himself properly has a part 
allotted to him; a single infraction of the 
rules suspends him from the group; thus 
recreational and disciplinary value is com- 
bined. In an institution for the mentally 
unbalanced carefully selected plays were 
used experimentally with remarkable educa- 
tional and recreational results. 

Consult: Macgowan, Kenneth: Footlights Across 
America Towards a National Theatre, 1929 (gives 
the results of a survey of the non-commercial 
theatre of America, made for the American Asso- 
ciation of Adult Education and Carnegie Corpora- 
tion of New York); and National Recreation 
Association: Community Drama, 1926. 

Charles F. Wells 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 579. 



AMATEUR OUTDOOR ATHLETICS 
AND SPORTS. The underlying principles 
of present-day athletics are equal oppor- 
tunity for every boy and girl, and training 



33 



Amateur Outdoor Athletics and Sports 



for the group rather than for the individual 
player. The goal of "athletics for all," 
while not yet reached, is not beyond the hope 
of realization, and the responsibility of social 
and educational agencies to attain this ideal 
is definitely acknowledged. 

Present Status. Athletics and sports may be 
defined as the "big-muscled fighting plays of 
youth." They are the highly organized, in- 
tensely competitive games and contests par- 
ticipated in by the adolescent and early adult 
groups. Basketball, baseball, swimming, 
tennis, boxing and wrestling, track and field 
contests, are typical forms of activity. 
According to the generally accepted defini- 
tion, an amateur athlete in the United States 
is "one who engages in sports solely for the 
pleasure and the physical, mental, and social 
benefits he derives therefrom, and to whom 
sports are nothing more than an avocation." 
The purpose of this article is to indicate the 
extent to which provision has been made for 
participation in sports by amateurs. 

Athletics have become an integral part of 
the educational system of the country, and 
the schools, through their physical education 
departments and intramural and inter-school 
competitions, provide not only the initial 
training for future activity, but also reach a 
larger group of participants than any other 
agency. The dangers in this field are over- 
emphasis on the "varsity," the win-at-all- 
cost motive, the false value which the star 
athlete gains through excessive publicity, 
and the harmful results of placing gate re- 
ceipts as a major objective. The recognition 
of these serious difficulties is an encouraging 
advance of the past year. This progress has 
been due in large part to the efforts of the 
American Physical Education Association, 
the National Collegiate Athletic Association, 
the National Federation of State High 
Schools Athletic Associations, and the So- 
ciety of Directors of Physical Education in 
Colleges. 

Play areas under leadership were reported 
by 872 cities for 1929. Part of the program 
included the supervision of 6,549 athletic 



leagues, each league consisting of 4 to 12 
teams. The impetus to additional participa- 
tion in sports through interest in league play 
is one of the greatest factors in amateur 
athletics. The National Recreation Associa- 
tion is pledged to the slogan of "athletics 
for all" as opposed to the star athlete or 
varsity team program. The maintenance 
of thousands of public playgrounds, golf 
courses, swimming pools, and other facilities 
supported by public funds is a most necessary 
requisite for such a program. 

An important factor in this field is the 
participation of local and national institu- 
tions such as the Young Women's Christian 
Associations, Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tions, Young Men's Hebrew Associations, 
Knights of Columbus, boys' clubs, settle- 
ment houses, and American Turnerbunds. In 
some of these agencies the athletic depart- 
ment is the corner-stone on which their other 
departmental activities are built. Through 
them thousands of men and women, boys and 
girls take an interest in athletics and sports. 
Settlements and boys' clubs in particular 
succeed in reaching large numbers of players 
who would not have an opportunity for par- 
ticipation in such activities through any 
other channel. 

The Amateur Athletic Union, with its 
accepted authority to sanction and control 
developments in many branches of athletics 
and sports, has been and is a most powerful 
organization in this field. The championship 
meets conducted by local, city-wide, and 
nation-wide units reach thousands of mem- 
bers and provide particularly for competition 
by the most expert and skillful players. The 
National Amateur Athletic Federation, with 
18 member organizations which direct most 
of the nation's amateur athletics, holds an 
important position. It emphasizes higher 
standards of participation— more players in 
the game and fewer people in the bleachers — 
and has contributed a clear-cut definition of 
amateurism. An outstanding development 
of late years has been the stressing of desir- 
able ideals and policies in athletics for girls 
and women, and leadership in this has been 



34 



Arts and Crafts 



supplied by the Women's Division of the 
Federation. 

Consult: Ryan, W. Carson, Jr.: The Literature 
of American School and College Athletics (a bibliog- 
raphy), Bulletin No. 24 of Carnegie Foundation 
for the Advancement of Teaching, 1929; Welfare 
Council of New York City: Boys' Athletics in 
Thirty-three Settlements in the City of New York, 
1929; issues of The Playground and Recreation 
(National Recreation Association), Athletic Jour- 
nal; American Physical Education Review (Amer- 
ican Physical Education Association), Mind and 
Body; and Proceedings of the national and regional 
conferences of organizations listed on page 580 in 
National Agencies, Classified, under the title 
of this article. 

Arthur T. Noren 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 580. 

AMERICANIZATION. See Immigrants 
and Foreign Communities. 

APPRENTICESHIPTRAINING. See Ed- 
ucation for Social Work. 

ARTS AND CRAFTS. The importance of 
the creative arts in a well-rounded recreation 
program has never been fully realized, par- 
ticularly by those responsible for municipal 
recreation systems. Handicraft has been 
included as a playground activity, but efforts 
to stimulate painting, sculpture, or any form 
of the fine arts have been rare. This article 
deals with these and other activities, such as 
modeling and wood carving, which require 
the use of the hands. Music, dancing, drama, 
poetry, and other arts are not touched upon. 
The vocational and therapeutic value of 
the crafts for those who are physically or 
mentally handicapped has long been recog- 
nized, but only recently have these activities 
been considered seriously as a stimulating 
and intelligent use of leisure time for normal 
people. For many years settlements have 
provided opportunities for craft work, and 
the eagerness with which they have been 
seized proves the almost universal urge for 
creative expression. Such work has great 



recreational value, primarily because of the 
other activities with which it is frequently 
allied. In camp programs it is related to 
nature, woodcraft, and pageantry. It carries 
back into the home and cements home life 
with many common interests. Through 
scene painting, costume designing, and dye- 
ing it touches the field of drama. 

Crafts conducted on municipal play- 
grounds are limited to those which can be 
successfully carried on without machinery 
or intricate equipment. Such operations are 
basketry, wood and linoleum block printing, 
stenciling, coping saw work, work in ham- 
mered brass and copper, leather tooling, 
soap carving, clay modeling, flower printing, 
sewing, paper craft, bead work, simple 
weaving on handmade looms, Indian crafts, 
and toy making in wood, paper, and cloth. 
In addition to a playground program of this 
type the Los Angeles Recreation Department 
has a large house where children and adults 
may go for instruction in the arts. The 
Chicago Recreation Department conducts 
outdoor sketching classes. The program of 
arts and crafts in settlements offers more 
variations, for in these centers workshops and 
equipment are often provided. Greenwich 
House in New York City and Hull House in 
Chicago are probably the outstanding ex- 
amples in this field. During 1929 Green- 
wich House opened a fully equipped craft 
house. Settlement classes include pottery, 
painting, modeling, wood carving, designing, 
jewelry making, book binding, wood block 
printing, weaving, chair caning, metal and 
enamel work, and printing and engraving. 

The past five years have seen increased 
interest in the arts. During 1929 the College 
Settlement in New York City opened a work- 
shop for college and employed girls. The 
National Recreation Association planned a 
special study of the field. Vassar College 
recently held an institute of arts and crafts. 
The tendency in craft programs is toward 
greater flexibility, with emphasis on the en- 
couragement of original expression. For- 
merly a class of 1 5 or 20 would carefully fol- 
low the directions of a teacher and copy a 



35 



Bathing Places 



single model; now groups work out their 
own ideas in different mediums, some model- 
ing, some painting, some making hooked 
rugs after their own individual designs, and 
still others doing wood block printing. Prac- 
tically every national organization with a 
recreation program now includes handicraft 
in its list of activities. 

Consult: Best-Maugard, Adolfo: A Method for 
Creative Design, 1926; Haas, Louis J.: Art Metal 
Work and Jewelry, 19 16; Scott, Ina: Handicraft 
Bibliography, 1930 (mimeographed), prepared by 
the Westchester County Recreation Commission 
(White Plains, N. Y.); Gill, Anna: Practical 
Basketry, 19 16. 

Chester Geppert Marsh 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 580. 

ASSOCIATED CHARITIES. See Family 
Welfare Societies. 

ASSOCIATIONS FOR IMPROVING THE 
CONDITION OF THE POOR. See 
Family Welfare Societies. 

ATHLETICS. See Amateur Outdoor 
Athletics and Sports. 

ATTENDANCE OFFICERS. See Com- 
pulsory Education. 

BASTARDY. See Children Born Out of 
Wedlock. 

BATHING PLACES. Swimming has grown 
to be an organized sport, supervised under 
definite rules. Artificial pools are frequently 
built adjacent to bathing beaches, and in 
many communities both pool and beach are 
operated by the municipal or county govern- 
ment, or privately under a single franchise. 
Health authorities agree that an artificial 
pool, if properly designed, equipped, and 
maintained, is far safer and more sanitary 
than any bathing beach. 

Wading pools are used to instill a love of 
water into very small children, and to dispel 



the fear of water which is inherent in most 
of them. After children have played in a 
wading pool, it is easy to teach them to 
swim. Some playground workers believe 
that children should learn swimming in 
wading pools. Most health authorities, how- 
ever, are against that practice because it 
involves applying to wading pools the same 
standards of construction, sanitary main- 
tenance, and supervision that are required 
for swimming pools. In some places the 
problem has been solved by placing a sepa- 
rate wading pool near to the swimming pool, 
both using the same re-filtration system. 
Such a system is now standard equipment for 
outdoor pools and is advised as a sanitary 
and economic measure. Wherever either 
artificial or natural sand beaches surround 
pools operated by commercial amusement 
parks, many precautionary measures are 
necessary, such as constant policing, frequent 
cleaning, and daily disinfecting treatment. 
The safety and consequent popularity of 
pools as places in which to swim and play are 
due largely to the activities of the national 
agencies referred to later in this article. 
Furthermore, the regulations as to pools that 
are in effect in 29 states, and contemplated 
by many more, have added greatly to public 
confidence concerning them. The report 
presented in 1927 by the Joint Committee on 
Bathing Places of the Conference of State 
Sanitary Engineers and the American Public 
Health Association on standards for the 
design, equipment, and operation of swim- 
ming pools and other bathing places has been 
used as a guide in many states. In that re- 
port the Committee recommended that 
bathing waters at public bathing places on 
natural streams, lakes, and tidal waters 
should be of the same standard of bacterial 
quality as is required for swimming pools. 
In October, 1929, the Committee modified 
that recommendation, and conceded that the 
strict application of swimming water stan- 
dards to all public bathing waters would 
probably not be practicable at present; and 
the report concluded with the statement that 
"the bathing beach problem is one which 



36 



Begging 



should properly be worked out by local and 
state authorities for the best interests of all 
concerned in each particular locality, un- 
hampered by any empirical standards." 

Consult: American Public Health Association 
and Conference of State Sanitary Engineers, Joint 
Committee on Bathing Places: " Report on Swim- 
ming Pools and Other Bathing Places," in Ameri- 
can Journal of Public Health, February, 1928; 
"State Regulations Pertaining to Public Bathing 
Places," in Journal of the American Association for 
Hygiene and Baths, January, 1930; reports and 
periodicals of the national agencies listed on page 
580 in National Agencies, Classified, under the 
title of this article. 

Arthur Morton Crane 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 580. 

BEACHES. See Bathing Places. 



BEGGING or the asking for alms, par- 
ticularly in public places, is usually covered 
by the vagrancy laws of a state or the ordi- 
nances of a city. The accepted legal defini- 
tion of beggars, derived from English law, is 
"persons wandering abroad or placing them- 
selves in any public place, street or highway, 
court or passage, to beg or gather alms." It 
does not include begging by mail, which 
appears not to be an offense under the federal 
postal laws. 

History and Present Status. One of the ear- 
liest steps in modern times to combat beg- 
ging was taken in 1902 when the Charity 
Organization Society of New York em- 
ployed a mendicancy officer. He in turn ob- 
tained the assignment of city detectives. 
These became known as the "mendicancy 
squad," through which thousands of arrests 
were made annually. This arrangement con- 
tinued until about 1905, when the Charity 
Organization Society took the position that 
the responsibility properly belonged to the 
police. The assistant to that mendicancy 
officer has since been employed, however, 



with substantial success in a similar activity 
for the Brooklyn Bureau of Charities. In 
1909 a national body was created, known as 
the National Association for the Prevention 
of Mendicancy and Charitable Imposture. 
Its scope was defined as follows in the New 
York Charities Directory: "To repress 
knavish imposture; to aid and strengthen 
the crippled in body or sick in mind, the dis- 
couraged and friendless who may be in a way 
to become mendicant or impostors, or who 
may have already become such. Seeks espe- 
cially to prevent mendicancy by creating a 
public opinion which may tend to restrict 
certain street trades, as newsdealing, and so 
forth, to crippled, incapacitated men and 
women." This society no longer exists. 

The enforcement of laws and ordinances 
against begging has been made even more 
difficult because of the popular sympathy 
readily aroused by beggars, particularly if 
they are blind, aged, deformed, or infirm. 
Beggars prefer to exploit their infirmities to 
a sympathetic public rather than to be cared 
for or make a living through employment. 
Their gains from begging are usually greater 
than their earnings would be if they worked 
at regular occupations. The police and the 
courts share the public attitude and are re- 
luctant to arrest or correct beggars who are 
handicapped in any degree. Then, too, li- 
censing authorities are prone to issue ped- 
dling licenses, without investigation, to 
those who are likely to use them as a mere 
pretense for soliciting alms. 

The right to use a license as a pretext for 
begging was decided in the Circuit Court of 
St. Louis. The defendant contended that he 
was not begging because he had some mer- 
chandise and possessed a peddler's license. 
The judge held that the defendant's passive 
reception of money, without an exchange of 
merchandise, showed that he was in reality 
begging (Circuit Court Case No. 136,494). 

In New York a decision of many years ago 
{In re Haller, 12 Hun, 131, 132) held that 
spoken words are not necessary to constitute 
begging, but that the attitude and actions of 
the accused are to be considered. 



37 



Birth Control 



Since so many beggars are crippled or 
blind, the real problem is proper provision 
for their rehabilitation and vocational train- 
ing. They cannot well be imprisoned or 
forcibly removed from the streets unless care 
or opportunity for employment is afforded 
them. Where a social agency is instrumental 
in obtaining a handicapped beggar's arrest, it 
is likely to receive little consideration either 
from the police or the courts unless it is pre- 
pared to do something definite for the beg- 
gar's welfare. 

Little comprehensive information is avail- 
able on the subject of street begging. A 
Committee on the Homeless of the Welfare 
Council of New York has been accumulating 
data and studying the subject recently. 
Since 1928 a Citizens' Anti-Begging Com- 
mittee has been operating in St. Louis with a 
staff of its own and has issued a statistical 
analysis of the cases it has studied. The 
problem has been attacked with various de- 
grees of success in Atlanta, Boston, Des 
Moines, Harrisburg, Louisville, St. Louis, 
and other American cities within the year. 

A general policy which embodies the con- 
clusions of many who have had experience in 
this field may be stated as follows: (a) The 
few persons who beg only occasionally, and 
from real need in emergencies, should be 
directed to social agencies for attention, 
(b) The sturdy, professional beggar should be 
set to work on a farm colony until he is ready 
to accept work outside, (c) The less able- 
bodied, but not blind or crippled persons, 
should be sent to farm or industrial colonies 
to work as much as they can and to be re- 
habilitated, so far as possible, for return to 
society, (d) The comparatively well, crip- 
pled, or blind beggar should be helped by the 
city or private agencies to obtain vocational 
training or a suitable occupation — such as 
selling newspapers, candy, or other simple 
wares at public stands which are now usually 
in the hands of the able-bodied, (e) Those 
too disabled to attain a fair degree of eco- 
nomic independence or to be trained to that 
end should receive the shelter, expert care, 
and occupation which will best suit their 



individual cases and keep their families from 
want, (f) Disabled, nonresident beggars 
should be returned to their respective com- 
munities, as far as possible, (g) Licensing 
authorities should investigate carefully all 
applications for peddling licenses when made 
by the handicapped or fakers, and reject all 
requests for licenses when vending is appar- 
ently to be a mere cloak for begging, (h) 
Beggars and fake vendors of all sorts should 
be rigidly excluded from the approaches, sta- 
tions, and cars of all transit companies, (i) 
Means to care for handicapped mendicants 
should be established and then the vagrancy 
laws, including house to house begging and 
begging in public places, should be rigidly 
enforced. If a blind or crippled beggar re- 
fuses adequate care or employment the 
magistrates should promptly commit him for 
a substantial period. 

Consult: "How Columbus Prevents Begging," 
in the Survey, May 10, 1919; "Two of Louisville's 
Ex-Beggars," in the Survey, April 12, 1919; Ray- 
mond, Stockton: "An Attempt to Eliminate 
Street Begging," in The Family, May, 1925; Stein, 
Gertrude: "How About Beggars," in the Survey, 
December 15, 1926; and Gilmore, Harlan W.: 
"The Social Control of Begging," in The Family, 
October, 1929; an (unpublished) analysis of 59 
beggar cases (Citizens' Anti-Begging Committee 
of St. Louis, 208 North 14th Street), 1929; and 
" Begging in Chicago" (unpublished, but summar- 
ized in Report of the Wieboldt Foundation), 1925. 

W. Bruce Cobb 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. 

BEHAVIOR PROBLEM CHILDREN. See 
Psychiatric Clinics for Children. 



BENEVOLENT ORDERS. 
nal Orders. 



See Frater- 



B I RTH CONTROL. The general aim of the 
birth control movement is to legitimatize 
the practice of contraception through sci- 
entific and hygienic methods, and to educate 
the adult public as to its advantages from the 
personal and social points of view. Inter- 



38 



Birth Control 



national in scope, the movement has been 
known under a number of names; in the 
British Empire as "neo-malthusianism"; in 
France as "conscious generation " ; and occa- 
sionally as "voluntary parenthood." 

History and Present Status. In English- 
speaking countries the present movement 
derives from Malthus. In the second edition 
of his famous Essay on Population, published 
in 1803, the English clergyman first enun- 
ciated his law of the pressure of population 
upon the means of subsistence. The only 
solution he suggested for overpopulation was 
the practice of celibacy and late marriage. 
In 1826 Dr. Charles Knowlton, a Boston 
physician, was prosecuted for publishing a 
small book, The Fruits of Philosophy, advo- 
cating mechanical and chemical methods of 
contraception. In 1876-1877 Charles Brad- 
laugh and Mrs. Annie Besant were prose- 
cuted and convicted for distributing that 
book among the working classes of Great 
Britain. Their conviction led to the founda- 
tion of the Malthusian League in 1 878 by Dr. 
Charles Drysdale and his wife, Dr. Alice 
Vickery Drysdale. A Dutch League was 
founded in 1881. The neo-malthusians 
differed from Malthus in advocating con- 
traception to prevent overpopulation and to 
reduce the birth rate. 

The period between 19 14 and 1921 in the 
United States was one of militant agitation 
and widespread publicity, partly as a result 
of several convictions of persons active in 
the movement for challenging federal and 
state laws. In New York City in 1914 Mrs. 
Margaret Sanger began to advocate contra- 
ception on feministic and libertarian grounds, 
coining at that time the term "birth con- 
trol/' The interest awakened in the whole 
question of contraception resulted in 1921 in 
the foundation of the American Birth Control 
League and of the Voluntary Parenthood 
League; also in the publication of a monthly 
periodical, the Birth Control Review, edited 
by Mrs. Sanger. The two organizations were 
subsequently combined under the name of 
the former. 



Activities of the second period of the 
American movement, from 192 1 to 1925, in- 
cluded the organization of local leagues, the 
education of public opinion, and campaigns 
for the amendment of statutes which class 
the practice of contraception with obscenity 
and criminal abortion. During the third 
period, 1925 to the present, advocates of 
birth control have concentrated upon the 
establishment of clinics and research bu- 
reaus, and upon enlisting the interest and 
activities of physicians, biologists, bio- 
chemists, and social scientists generally. Re- 
sults of these efforts are seen in the fact that 
no less than 55 clinics and bureaus are now 
operating legitimately in the United States 
(covering 23 cities and 13 states), dispensing 
contraceptive information to all persons 
legally permitted to receive it. In New York 
State it is given to married people for the 
cure or prevention of disease. In California 
there are 12 clinics; there is one each in 
Baltimore, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Denver, 
Detroit, Newark, New Haven, and Phila- 
delphia; there are six in Chicago; and 
New York City has eight in hospitals and 
one operating independently. In addition, a 
branch for colored women has recently been 
established in the Harlem section of New 
York City by the Clinical Research Bureau. 

The year 1929 was marked by the estab- 
lishment of 27 new clinics. The successful 
operation of such clinics and research bu- 
reaus, under medical direction, makes pos- 
sible the scientific analysis of individual 
cases, and also statistical studies. Through 
the latter material is being developed for the 
replacement of untested theory with im- 
partial analysis. Social agencies are begin- 
ning to cooperate with such clinics. Owing 
to the widespread change in public opinion, 
physicians are more willing to give advice in 
private practice. Over 10,000 of them have 
expressed willingness to do so. 

The birth control movement is exerting a 
noticeable influence upon eugenics and giving 
a new direction to programs for race-better- 
ment; it has resulted in renewed considera- 
tion of the problem of the legal sterilization 



39 



The Blind 



of the unfit; and has influenced programs for 
the control of dependent, delinquent, and 
defective groups in society. It has been 
given consideration by many social agencies 
seeking to decrease maternal and infant 
mortality rates, particularly by the Commit- 
tee on Maternal Health of New York City. 
Financial support of the birth control move- 
ment has been from independent and anon- 
ymous sources, with the exception of tem- 
porary support from the Brush Foundation 
of Cleveland. During 1929 a study of 
10,000 cases was made by the Birth Control 
Clinical Research Bureau, and a study of 
fertility and sterility by the Committee on 
Maternal Health. 

Legislation, igig. No laws on the subject 
were passed during the year. Bills to amend 
the laws which prohibit contraceptive in- 
struction were defeated in New York and 
Connecticut. 

Consult: Meyer, Adolf: Birth Control—Fads 
and Responsibilities, 1925; Haire, Norman: Some 
More Medical Views on Birth Control, 1928; 
Sanger, Margaret: Pivot of Civilisation, 1922, and 
Motherhood in Bondage, 1928; Knopf, S. Adolph: 
Various Aspects of Birth Control (revised edition), 
1928. 

Mrs. Margaret Sanger 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 580. 



BIRTH STATISTICS. 
Health Statistics. 



See Vital and 



THE BLIND. There are many points of 
view from which blindness may be defined. 
To the physician it is a condition— the ab- 
sence of sight; to the social worker or the 
educator it is a cause— a restriction which 
keeps one from full participation in the edu- 
cational, employment, and recreational facil- 
ities of the community. 

Roughly speaking, a child with less than 
one-tenth vision, or with an eye condition 
which makes school work unsafe if conducted 
in the ordinary way, is educationally blind. 



There is, however, a large additional group 
of children, with vision ranging from one- 
tenth to one-third, for whom special sight- 
saving classes must be organized if they are 
to receive fair treatment at the hands of the 
school authorities. The adult with less than 
one-tenth vision is so limited in his choice of 
occupations as to be considered vocationally 
blind. There are, though, many persons 
possessing more than one-tenth vision who 
are so handicapped vocationally that they 
require the assistance of agencies for the 
blind. The ratio of the blind to the general 
population in this country is usually esti- 
mated at about one to one thousand. The in- 
cidence of blindness varies little geographic- 
ally except in districts like eastern Kentucky, 
southern Illinois, and southern Missouri, 
where the prevalence of trachoma raises the 
ratio to a marked degree. A recent calcula- 
tion based on estimates from agencies for 
the blind indicates that in 1929 there were 
about 114,000 blind people in the country. 
This total is much higher than that shown by 
the census, first because the Census Bureau's 
definition of blindness is quite restricted; and 
second, because many blind people are over- 
looked. According to the census of 1920 the 
age distribution of blind people was as 
follows: 

Age Group Per Cent 

Under 5 years (Pre-school) 0.7 

5 to 19 years (School) 1 1.9 

20 to 34 years (Employable but probably in 
need of vocational training and adjust- 
ment) 1 1.5 
35 to 49 years (Employable) 15.6 
50 to 64 years (Possibly employable, but 

opportunities limited by age) 20.8 

65 years and over (Probably unemploy- 
able) 39-5 

The group between 5 and 19 years was 
probably more completely reported than any 
other, since children in the residential schools 
for the blind would be easily located by the 
enumerators. Similarly, the group under 
5 years is probably the most incompletely 
reported, owing to the difficulty of locating 
young blind children and of determining 
whether they are blind or not. The large 
proportion of blind past 50 years of age— 



40 



The Blind 



over 60 per cent — is to be noted; many of 
these would be too handicapped by age and 
sickness to be self-supporting even if they 
could see. It is important that the public 
should distinguish between these and the 
young capable blind who ask only for oppor- 
tunity. Age at losing sight is also an im- 
portant consideration in the rehabilitation of 
the blind, and it is interesting to note that 
the census of 1920 showed that 65 per cent 
of blind people lost their sight after school 
age had been passed. 

History and Present Status. There are in the 
United States 54 residential schools and 21 
city day schools for the blind. The three 
oldest schools in the country— the New York 
Institute for the Education of the Blind, the 
Pennsylvania Institution for the Instruction 
of the Blind, and Perkins Institution and 
Massachusetts School for the Blind — were or- 
ganized at about the same time, 1832. These 
institutions are under private management, 
but they have received state grants almost 
from the start and the states now furnish a 
large share of their support. The first state 
school for the blind was established by Ohio 
in 1837. Today every state either conducts 
a residential school of its own or has a work- 
ing arrangement by which it pays the cost 
of educating its blind children in a similar 
school in a neighboring state. Approxi- 
mately 5,500 pupils were enrolled during 
1929 in the 54 residential schools for the 
blind, private and public. The first day 
school for the blind was organized by the 
City of Chicago in 1900. Since that time 20 
cities have followed Chicago's lead, these 
schools enrolling in 1929 about 440 pupils. 
Special institutions of higher learning for the 
blind have never found much favor in the 
United States, but many blind men and 
women attend the regular colleges and uni- 
versities. Through the efforts of Dr. Newel 
Perry, now a teacher in the California School 
for the Blind, New York State in 1907 estab- 
lished scholarships of $300 a year to employ 
"readers" for blind students attending insti- 
tutions of higher learning in that state. At 



present 21 states have similar scholarships, 
varying from $100 to an indefinite amount 
and limited only by the appropriation and 
the requirement of the student. 

Schools for blind children had not been 
long in operation before it became evident 
that the academic and vocational training 
afforded children in such schools did not 
solve the employment problem of the blind. 
Accordingly several employment institutions 
with boarding facilities were opened, some 
operated by the state and others receiving 
more or less state support. But as the activi- 
ties of these employment institutions were 
quite restricted, state commissions or de- 
partments came to be organized to care for 
the general needs of the blind, especially 
adults. Twenty-six states now have such 
agencies, with varying scopes of service. 
Among the activities conducted by most 
state commissions is home teaching. This 
work is carried on usually by blind persons 
who call at the homes of blind adults who 
have never attended schools for the blind. 
Instruction is given in finger reading and in 
simple manual occupations, and the blind 
person is helped in other ways to adjust him- 
self to his situation. 

Blindness is so definite a cause of poverty 
that special provision of public relief for the 
needy blind has long been demanded. In 
1903 Illinois inaugurated special county re- 
lief for the blind. This was popularly known 
as a "pension." At the end of 1929 there 
were 21 states having such special relief laws 
for the blind, and efforts were being made by 
organizations of blind people to write similar 
laws on the statute books of other states. In 
several large cities private associations for 
the blind have been organized to carry on 
such activities as home teaching, placement 
work, sheltered workshops, recreation proj- 
ects, and eye clinics. As a rule these asso- 
ciations offer little material relief, preferring 
to leave that function to family welfare 
agencies. 

Owing to the limited market for books for 
the blind their publication has never been 
commercially possible. Finger readers have 



41 



The Blind 



therefore had to depend either upon philan- 
thropy or upon public funds for their reading 
matter. School books for the past half cen- 
tury have been largely supplied by the fed- 
eral government, operating through the 
American Printing House for the Blind, in 
Louisville. Because of the great cost and 
bulk of books in raised type, few blind people 
own them, and not many communities feel 
justified in establishing libraries for the 
blind. A few public libraries which have 
such collections very generously lend their 
books over a far larger territory than they 
ordinarily serve, sometimes over several 
states. To facilitate circulation the post- 
office transmits such literature through the 
mails free of charge. In 1907 Mrs. Matilda 
Ziegler, of New York City, established the 
Matilda Ziegler Magazine for the Blind, a 
monthly periodical which is sent free to any 
sightless person in the United States or 
Canada. A number of other secular and 
religious magazines have been started since. 
The Lions International has adopted work 
for the blind as one of its major activities. 
It publishes a magazine in Braille for blind 
children and has helped to inaugurate work 
for the adult blind in several states. 

Workers for the blind find that perhaps 
their chief task is finding remunerative em- 
ployment for their clients. The employment 
field is narrowed not only by the limitations 
imposed by blindness, but also by the lack of 
confidence on the part of the seeing public 
in the productive powers of the blind. Em- 
ployed blind people may be divided into four 
classes: first, those who have set up for 
themselves in business or in professions; sec- 
ond, those who are employed side by side 
with the seeing in factories and commercial 
establishments; third, those employed in 
sheltered workshops; and fourth, those 
working in their own homes under the super- 
vision of a central agency for the blind. To 
the blind man with some business acumen, a 
commercial enterprise usually affords the 
best opportunity for success. These enter- 
prises represent almost every line of business, 
from the management of a peanut stand to 



the presidency of a bank. Wherever sales- 
manship, personality, or executive ability are 
of first importance, there are to be found 
blind men in positions of trust. Most blind 
people, however, like their seeing brothers, 
must be wage-earners, leaving management 
to those with special abilities. 

Until the beginning of the present century 
the blind man who had found work as an 
ordinary factory hand was rare indeed. 
About 25 years ago, however, Charles F. F. 
Campbell, an enthusiastic young worker for 
the blind in Massachusetts, became con- 
vinced that there were more jobs in industry 
which blind people could fill than there were 
blind people to fill them. He demonstrated 
his contention to a limited extent, but the 
employment of blind people in industry did 
not become widespread until the years of the 
World War. Most of the blind who obtained 
positions at that time lost them during the 
industrial recession about 1921. Owing to 
the rapid development of labor-saving ma- 
chinery, to the restricting effect of insurance 
regulations, and to the increasing difficulty 
for various reasons of inducing industry to 
assume responsibility for the employment of 
the handicapped, the number of blind people 
now working in factories constitutes but a 
small proportion of those so engaged at the 
close of the war. 

In most large cities may be found one or 
two small sheltered workshops employing a 
dozen or more men. These shops usually 
operate at a loss, and the deficit is made up 
through either private philanthropy or taxa- 
tion. The commonest activities carried on 
are chair caning and the manufacture of 
brooms, mops, rugs, and reed ware. Because 
blindness handicaps individual workers to a 
varying degree, wages are usually paid by 
piece rate. See Sheltered Workshops. 

Many state commissions and city associa- 
tions arrange to sell the products made by 
the blind in their homes. In some cases the 
organization supplies the material and pays 
for the labor upon delivery of the completed 
work. In other instances the workers fur- 
nish their own material and the organization 



42 



Blindness, Prevention of 



sells the articles, returning the amount of 
purchase price to the blind workers. There is 
usually no charge for selling service. Articles 
so manufactured include dish towels, aprons, 
rugs, baskets, crocheted and knitted wear, 
and stuffed toys. 

Developments and Events, iQ2g. The out- 
standing events of the year, aside from legis- 
lative changes, were of an international char- 
acter. Preliminary steps were taken to call 
a World Conference of Specialists in Work 
for the Blind, to be held in New York City in 
1 93 1. As the result of a conference held in 
Paris in April, 1929, France, Germany, Great 
Britain, Italy, and the United States adopted 
a common code for the publishing of Braille 
music, so that music embossed in any of these 
countries will henceforth be usable by the 
blind in other countries. During the year the 
American Foundation for the Blind made a 
study of stand concessions operated by the 
blind and a survey of library work for them 
in the United States, and had in preparation 
a manual for home teachers. Surveys were 
also conducted by the Subcommittee on the 
Visually Handicapped of the White House 
Conference on Child Health and Protection. 

Legislation, igig. During the year Wyo- 
ming (Ch. 160) and Florida (Ch. 13,578) 
established state departments for the blind; 
Vermont (No. 32) made an appropriation 
which allowed the inauguration of work pre- 
viously authorized; California passed a new 
law (Ch. 529) providing county relief up to 
$600 a year to the blind; Maryland, a new 
law (Ch. 271) providing relief up to $250 a 
year, to be administered by the Maryland 
Workshop for the blind; and Nevada passed 
an amendment (Ch. 68) increasing the maxi- 
mum of county blind relief to $600 a year. 
California passed a bill (Ch. 845) establish- 
ing workshops for the blind and other handi- 
capped persons in Los Angeles. 

Consult: Best, Harry: The Blind, 1919; 
French, R. S.: The Education of the Blind (Berk- 
eley, Calif., School for the Blind), 1924- 192 5; 
Allen, Edward E.: A Survey of the Work for the 



Blind in the United States from the Beginning Until 
Now (Proceedings of the Twenty-eighth Biennial 
Convention of American Instructors of the Blind), 
1926; Irwin and McKay: Blind Relief Laws — 
Their Theory and Practice, 1929; Proceedings of 
the American Association of Instructors of the 
Blind, and the American Association of Workers 
for the Blind; American Foundation for the Blind: 
Directory of Activities for the Blind in the United 
States and Canada, 1926, Laws Governing State 
Commissions and Departments for the Blind (re- 
vised), 1929, and issues of the Outlook for the 
Blind; Brown, Lela T.: Insurance Underwriting — 
A Study of the Business in Relation to Blind Agents, 
1928, and Osteopathy — Opportunities for the Blind 
in Training and Practice, 1929. 

Robert B. Irwin 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 580. 



BLINDNESS, PREVENTION OF. In the 
effort to reduce blindness much work of 
necessity must be concentrated on the causes 
which produce the largest amount of blind- 
ness and which show some likelihood of 
yielding to concerted action. Among the 
major causes of blindness are: ophthalmia 
neonatorum (babies' sore eyes), venereal dis- 
ease (gonorrhea and syphilis), trachoma, 
glaucoma, cataract, and accidents (general 
and industrial). In addition to these there 
are many other causes of relatively minor im- 
portance, if measured by the aggregate num- 
ber of cases involved. Much of the blindness 
due to them can be prevented through 
prompt and continued treatment by an 
oculist. It is generally agreed also that much 
of the blindness from the major causes is 
preventable; the estimates run from 50 to 75 
per cent. Ophthalmia neonatorum, for in- 
stance, was formerly responsible for more 
than 30 per cent of the blindness among chil- 
dren entering schools for the blind in the 
United States; in 1929 it was responsible for 
but 9.3 per cent. Trachoma is another cause 
of blindness which might be entirely elimi- 
nated; and the organized efforts to combat 
venereal disease, if successful, would still 



43 



Blindness, Prevention of 



further reduce the number of those who are 
unnecessarily deprived of sight. 

History and Present Status. The record of 
organized activities in this field covers a 
period of many years and represents the 
work of many different types of agencies, 
public and private. Among the governmen- 
tal bodies are the federal, state, or municipal 
departments whose major interest is health, 
or labor conditions, or education; and also 
the commissions or councils created by some 
states especially for work with the blind. 

The United States Public Health Service, 
in cooperation with the states, is active in 
establishing relief measures for trachoma, 
and maintains a quarantine service to exclude 
immigrants afflicted with this disease. It 
has also engaged in epidemiologic studies and 
laboratory research to determine the cause of 
trachoma, has gathered data regarding legal 
provisions for lessening ophthalmia neona- 
torum, and has published reports concerning 
venereal disease as a cause of blindness. It 
has likewise conducted several studies to 
determine the conditions of eyesight among 
school children. State boards of health, in 
connection with their activities for the con- 
trol of communicable diseases, are helping to 
reduce trachoma and venereal disease. Most 
states have now enacted legislation which 
makes mandatory the disinfection of all 
babies' eyes at birth, thus lessening the 
likelihood of ophthalmia neonatorum. In 
addition the elimination of such diseases as 
diphtheria, measles, smallpox, and so forth, 
prevents some blindness. 

Municipal boards of health cooperate with 
public school systems in providing medical 
inspection which usually includes the exami- 
nation of the eyes of school children. This 
has led to much preventive work. Public 
schools are concerning themselves with 
proper illumination, legibility of textbooks, 
and the removing of defective vision through 
doctors' care and provision of glasses at cost 
or free. Inasmuch as defective vision is 
often the result of other physical conditions, 
any general school health activities have as a 



by-product valuable results in the conserva- 
tion of eyesight. Public schools also main- 
tain sight-saving classes for pupils whose 
defective vision makes it difficult or impos- 
sible for them to carry on the usual work of 
the school. The first sight-saving class was 
established in 1913. At the present time 
there are 334 classes in 21 states and 93 
cities. It is estimated that approximately 
one child in every five hundred should have 
the benefits of a sight-saving class. Both 
health and educational authorities partici- 
pate in the establishment and maintenance 
of such classes. State boards of education 
and the federal Office of Education are inter- 
ested in and help to promote these develop- 
ments in the schools. See School Hygiene 
and Education, State Agencies. 

Another group of public agencies deeply 
interested in the prevention of blindness are 
those which deal with industry. The federal 
Department of Labor, in collecting statistics 
on various kinds of accidents, includes figures 
on blindness or impaired vision resulting 
from accident. It also studies industrial dis- 
eases which may result in blindness or im- 
paired vision, and preventive measures to 
avoid them. State labor departments which 
administer state compensation acts are 
charged with the provision of medical and 
surgical measures to restore sight. Usually, 
also, they are responsible for factory inspec- 
tion, and often for formulating regulations to 
safeguard conditions of employment. To re- 
duce accident hazard they require installa- 
tion of protective devices, use of goggles, and 
so forth, with a consequent reduction of 
catastrophies to the eyes. See Labor, State 
Agencies and Industrial Accidents. 

State commissions or councils for the blind 
are usually charged with some responsibility 
for the prevention of blindness, but the activ- 
ities actually carried on vary greatly in 
different states. The commissions in Massa- 
chusetts, Missouri, New Jersey, New York, 
Ohio, and Virginia, the Pennsylvania State 
Council, and the Connecticut State Board of 
Education for the Blind are among the most 
active in the field of prevention. 



44 



Blindness, Prevention of 



Private agencies which carry on work for 
the prevention of blindness are of two kinds; 
those organized for this single purpose and 
those for which activities in this field are 
merely incidental to their general purpose. 
The National Society for the Prevention of 
Blindness, organized in 191 5, is the only 
national agency of the first type. It conducts 
surveys, advocates preventive legislation, 
carries on educational publicity, and coop- 
erates with other agencies which have a 
responsibility for conserving sight. It is the 
best source of information about the sociolog- 
ical, economic, and health aspects of blind- 
ness and its prevention. It has no state 
branches and has never actively promoted 
the organization of local chapters. There 
are at the present time, however, two active 
local societies— the Illinois Society for the 
Prevention of Blindness and the Maryland 
Society for the Prevention of Blindness- 
each of which has its own budget and is un- 
dertaking local educational propaganda as 
well as case work for the prevention of blind- 
ness. 

The National Safety Council is active in 
this field as in the prevention of other handi- 
caps. Through traveling exhibits, lectures, 
and publications, it endeavors to demon- 
strate appliances and programs designed to 
lessen the danger of accidental loss of eye- 
sight, and also tries to win the cooperation of 
industrial concerns and their employes in 
observing reasonable precautions. The 
Council likewise works through them in edu- 
cating their families to the necessity of pro- 
tecting the eyes from undue strain or acci- 
dental injury. 

Among other national agencies with which 
the National Society for the Prevention of 
Blindness regularly cooperates are the fol- 
lowing: American Child Health Association, 
American Foundation for the Blind, Ameri- 
can Medical Association, American Public 
Health Association, American National Red 
Cross, American Social Hygiene Association, 
National Education Association, and Nation- 
al Organization for Public Health Nursing. 
See their listings in Part II of this volume. 



Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Training in social case work is very desirable 
for any case worker in the field of prevention 
of blindness. A great part of such case work 
is carried on by social workers whose major 
activities are in family welfare or other fields. 
Social case workers in eye hospitals or clinics, 
or in state commissions and local associa- 
tions for the blind, are among the relatively 
few who are employed entirely in the field of 
prevention of blindness. For such work the 
prerequisite is usually an approved course in 
public health nursing or in social work. Only 
rarely can persons qualified in both fields be 
secured. It is necessary therefore for the 
trained nurse to obtain some knowledge of 
social case work, or for the social worker to 
gain some knowledge of medical case work in 
the field of preventing blindness. 

Training for teachers of sight-saving 
classes is almost indispensable because of the 
special equipment and technique involved in 
teaching children with seriously defective 
vision. The National Society for the Pre- 
vention of Blindness has aided various educa- 
tional centers in offering such training. Dur- 
ing 1929 it cooperated with four universities. 
In addition, courses were conducted at the 
Case School of Applied Science in Cleveland, 
the University of Detroit, and New York 
University. Full-time courses usually cover 
a summer session of six weeks. 

Developments and Events, ig2Q. At the close 
of the International Congress of Ophthal- 
mology, held during the year in Holland, an 
International Association for the Prevention 
of Blindness was organized, with headquarters 
in Paris. The general aims of the Interna- 
tional Association are similar to those of the 
National Society in this country. 

In November the National Society for the 
Prevention of Blindness held a conference in 
St. Louis which discussed particularly co- 
operative relationships in the field, from the 
points of view of official and volunteer agen- 
cies primarily concerned with work for the 
blind and of official agencies responsible for 
the prevention of blindness. During the 



45 



Boys' Clubs 



year also the Society compiled findings based 
on the inspection of the eyes of about 1,000 
preschool children. It also put into effect an 
active cooperative relationship with the 
American Federation of Labor. Members of 
the Society's staff were called upon to ad- 
dress industrial groups throughout the coun- 
try, and to prepare articles for labor pub- 
lications. 

One of the outstanding benefactions of the 
year was a grant of $250,000 by the Com- 
monwealth Fund to Washington University, 
in St. Louis, for the purpose of carrying on 
research in the field of trachoma. The Leslie 
Dana Medal was bestowed by the Missouri 
Association for the Blind on Hofrat Ernst 
Fuchs,of Vienna, this being the first time that 
this award was made outside of the United 
States. It is bestowed each year on a person 
chosen for distinguished service, lay or pro- 
fessional, in the field of conservation of vision 
and prevention of blindness. 

Consult: National Society for the Prevention of 
Blindness: Eyes Saved in Industry, 1930, A Special 
Inquiry on Conservation of Vision in Philadelphia, 
1929, Publications on Preventing Blindness, 1930, 
Conserving the Sight of School Children, 1928, 
Eye Hazards in Industrial Occupations, 1924, 
Sight-Saving Classes: Their Organisation and Ad- 
ministration, 1927, and Testing the Vision of Pre- 
school Children, 1928; League of Red Cross Socie- 
ties: The Prevention of Blindness, 1929; and 
Myers, Edward T.: A Survey of Sight Saving 
Classes in the United States, 1930. 

Lewis H. Carris 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 580. 



BOARDING CENTERS FOR GIRLS 
AND WOMEN. See Housing for Girls 
and Women. 

BOARDING HOMES FOR CHILDREN. 
See Dependent and Neglected Chil- 
dren; and Delinquent Children, Fos- 
ter Home Care. 



BOARDING HOMES FOR THE AGED. 

See The Aged. 

BOY RANGERS. See Scouting and 
Related Organizations. 

BOY SCOUTS. See Scouting and Related 
Organizations. 

BOYS' CLUBS. This article covers urban 
club work for boys which is independently 
organized. Clubs here described are usually 
known by the distinct title "Boys' Clubs," 
and ordinarily have their own buildings or 
quarters. They are to be distinguished from 
boys' clubs not separately organized but 
carried on by other more comprehensive in- 
stitutional agencies, such as social settle- 
ments, Young Men's Christian Associa- 
tions, Knights of Columbus, or Jewish Cen- 
ters. For boys' clubs under the auspices 
mentioned see Social Settlements and 
Youth Service Associations. For rural 
boys' clubs see Rural Recreation. Al- 
though scouting and similar activities are 
carried on by many boys' clubs, the distinc- 
tive features of such special programs are 
described only in the article on Scouting 
and Related Organizations. 

The history of the Boys' Club movement 
in America dates back to the period imme- 
diately following the Civil War. Indeed, 
just prior to that time, a Boys' Club was 
maintained in Hartford which provided 
quarters available to boys at all hours, with 
a reading room, a games room, and social 
activities. In 1868 the Salem Fraternity was 
organized; this Club has had a continuous 
and unbroken record of service. Like a num- 
ber of others established soon after, the basic 
purpose of these Clubs was to provide 
within a congested area of the city a place 
to which boys might resort in their leisure 
time and find warmth, hospitality, com- 
panionship, and activities which would be 
interesting to them. The ideal from the 
beginning has been to avoid a standardized 
program and to allow the largest possible 
freedom for the inauguration of activities 



46 



Boys' Clubs 



that would be the expression of the boy's own 
desires. Only when such an institution has 
been able to give the boy opportunity to do 
the thing which he has wanted to do has it 
measured up to the best traditions of the 
movement. 

About 30 years ago a score or more of 
Boys' Clubs in operation in the New Eng- 
land cities and towns began to achieve such 
unanimity of purpose and thinking that they 
desired more intimate contact with one 
another. Several tentative organizations 
were undertaken and finally in 1 906 at a meet- 
ing in Boston the Boys' Club Federation 
was launched. This has been the central 
clearing house for the interests and activities 
of local Clubs ever since. 

Present Status. Certain criteria in Boys' 
Club work were then agreed upon which 
distinguish the Clubs at present affiliated 
with the national movement. The most 
significant of these is their nonsectarian 
character. As the only practical way to 
make this decision effective, the stand was 
taken that clubs which include religious train- 
ing in their activities are not eligible for 
membership. This has not eliminated the 
spirit of religion from the activities of mem- 
ber Clubs, but it has led to a constant 
reiteration of the principle that religious 
training as such is the function of the home 
and the church, and not of the agency which 
deals with the leisure time of the boys. From 
the beginning the Federation has included a 
number of Boys' Clubs which are financed by 
religious organizations— such as churches and 
church, charitable, or welfare organizations— 
but in every instance the institution itself 
has eliminated religious instruction from its 
program. 

At the present time there are 248 Boys' 
Clubs affiliated with the national body. 
They are located in 125 cities and have a 
total membership of slightly over 230,000 
boys. Almost without exception these boys 
pay a modest membership fee ranging from 
25 cents to $3.00 a year. By far the greater 
proportion of the membership is between the 

4 47 



ages of 8 and 16; younger members are 
found in a number of Clubs, and some Clubs 
have featured service to older boys in so- 
called "senior divisions." 

Most Boys' Clubs are independent social 
service units with their own boards of direc- 
tors, supported by the usual methods in use 
by philanthropic organizations— in about 
one-third of the cases by a community chest. 
Often the organization owns its building. 
In all, 112 such club-owned buildings are 
reported, representing a total appraised 
valuation of $14,000,000 and with endow- 
ment funds of $4,000,000. Many Boys' 
Clubs are operated in rented quarters, an old 
factory, store room, or similar building being 
remodeled and adapted to the program pro- 
vided. The boys' work departments of 
social settlements, community centers, and 
institutional churches represent about one- 
fourth of the total membership of the or- 
ganization. See Social Settlements and 
Community Centers. 

Training Requirements. Since each Boys' 
Club is an independent unit, there are no 
uniform requirements for the employment of 
staff members. In almost all of the larger 
organizations, however, will be found a man 
with very definite training for his work, and 
a number of these have been sending out to 
other Boys' Clubs men who have had prac- 
tical training as assistants in the larger 
organizations. Since 19 18 Teachers College, 
Columbia University, has offered a special 
course consisting of six weeks of intensive 
training, with 60 hours of class-room work. 
Of the 207 students who have graduated, 
about one-half are now found among the 593 
professionally employed workers in the Boys' 
Clubs. In addition to these trained workers, 
there are those who have come up through 
the settlement field and from the training 
courses offered by the Young Men's Chris- 
tian Association, the National Recreation 
Association, and the Boy Scouts. See Youth 
Service Associations, Recreation, and 
Scouting and Related Organizations. 
About 20 men have entered Bovs' Club work 



Business Men's Service Clubs 



after a considerable period of service as pro- 
bation officers in the juvenile court. 

The most significant development during 
the last year or two has been the evolution of 
more uniform programs and methods. While 
the principle of local autonomy and the 
adaptation of the program to local needs and 
available equipment has been rigidly pre- 
served, the affiliated Boys' Clubs have more 
and more been learning from contacts with 
one another and have been putting into 
operation plans and methods which have 
proved successful in other places. A com- 
mission made up of professional workers 
recently adopted a series of standards by 
means of which each organization might rate 
the efficiency of its program. A second out- 
standing development has been the increas- 
ing interest in the movement shown by those 
especially concerned with the Negro problem 
in urban areas in the North, as well as in the 
South. In Chicago, Philadelphia, Savannah, 
and Brooklyn there are Boys' Clubs which 
serve large groups of Negro children. They 
have been so successful in enlisting the sup- 
port of the community that this type of ser- 
vice to colored boys, who have been desig- 
nated the most underprivileged class in the 
juvenile population, is being increasingly 
urged as a concern for the immediate future. 

In the spring of 1928 the Bureau of Social 
Hygiene made a grant of $36,000 to the De- 
partment of Sociology of New York Univer- 
sity for a study of the work of one of the 
largest and most modern organizations in 
existence — the Boys' Club which opened its 
doors early in 1928 at 1 1 ith Street and First 
Avenue, New York City. This study, which 
will cover the effect of the Club upon the 
boys and the community life over a three or 
four year period, is more intensive and 
thorough than any study previously at- 
tempted in relation to a boys' work organiza- 
tion. It is being made by the University 
without any oversight or direction on the 
part of the Boys' Club or the Federation 
except in so far as the former, in common 
with a score of other social agencies serving 
the same area, is cooperating by furnishing 



available data and information. A report of 
the findings is expected in the fall of 1931. 

Consult: Boys' Clubs— A National Movement, 
1930, and issues of the Boys' Club Round Table 
and the News Bulletin. (All published by the 
Boys' Club Federation of America.) 

R. K. Atkinson 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 580. 

BUILDING REGULATIONS. See Hous- 
ing. 

BUREAUS FOR THE HANDICAPPED. 
See Placement of the Handicapped and 
Sheltered Workshops. 

BUREAUS OF CHARITY, SOCIAL SER- 
VICE, OR SOCIAL WELFARE. See 
Family Welfare Societies. 

BUSINESS MEN'S SERVICE CLUBS. 
Since the membership of business men's ser- 
vice clubs is usually a cross section of the 
local business and professional community, 
improved business and civic affairs are major 
interests of such bodies. Through their 
membership service clubs are closely allied 
with local chambers of commerce, and are 
usually on that account strong factors in de- 
termining the kinds of activities furthered 
by these organizations. Because their mem- 
bership is limited in the interests represented, 
such clubs usually consider that the best ser- 
vice they can render in general civic matters 
is in initiating projects and commending 
them to the general public. Most clubs have 
also, as one of their purposes, the stimulation 
of individual members to active personal par- 
ticipation in worth-while community proj- 
ects. The attitude of service clubs on wel- 
fare matters is well defined in the following 
quotation from a Rotary Club handbook: 
"Rotarians should look upon their member- 
ship as a stimulus and demand to them to 
render the greatest possible service of which 
they are capable to all those agencies that 



48 



Cancer 



work for the development of the business 
and social welfare of the community." 

Since service clubs exist in widely varied 
types of communities, a great diversity of 
activities is found. Some kind of work for 
children is common to most of them, ranging 
from picnics for orphans to the exceedingly 
well planned and skilful service of the Inter- 
national Society for Crippled Children, whose 
membership and backing come almost ex- 
clusively from service clubs. Group work, 
relief programs, work with crippled children 
and with the blind make the strongest appeal. 
Short-time responsibility for projects or en- 
dorsements is a usual policy. Some clubs 
are prohibited by their rules from engaging 
their efforts for more than a year at a time. 

The comparatively recent widespread de- 
velopment of these clubs, and their local 
autonomy in determining what sort of wel- 
fare projects to undertake, are responsible 
for the absence of reliable figures as to the 
types of their activities and the number of 
children served. This latter, however, runs 
into the thousands. In a few communities 
councils of representatives from the several 
service clubs have been developed in the 
interest of coordinated effort. 

Among the service clubs, Kiwanis, Rotary, 
Lions, Exchange, Excelsior, Salesmanship, 
Gyro, and Knights of the Round Table are 
the most widely organized. The three clubs 
first named are the oldest. Literature de- 
scribing the activities recommended to local 
clubs may be obtained from the national of- 
fices. The Lions accept work for the blind and 
for cripples as their special field. Rotary has 
made boys' work its program, but it also ap- 
proves work with the crippled. Kiwanis has 
a general program for service to underprivi- 
leged children. Representative types of work 
undertaken by local organizations are: The 
support of boys' club work, "knot-hole 
gangs," working boys' homes, and other 
boys' homes on a small scale; the promotion 
of both local and statewide work with crip- 
pled children, and of sight conservation and 
work with the blind; the establishment of 
clinics for crippled and other children, special 



classes for handicapped children in public 
schools, and preventoria; the employment of 
public health and other nurses; the carrying 
on of surveys of child dependency, neglect, 
and delinquency; the giving of assistance, 
personal or financial, in health crusades; 
legal aid, vocational guidance, Americaniza- 
tion classes, student loan funds, recreation 
leadership courses, athletics, summer camps, 
social settlements, and the development of 
community chests and councils of social 
agencies; and cooperation with established 
social agencies in their regular work and in 
their campaigns for welfare legislation. 

Consult: Proceedings of the annual meetings of 
the national club organizations. 

C. W. Areson 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 580. 

CAMP FIRE GIRLS. See Scouting and 
Related Organizations. 

CAMPS. See Summer Camps and Day 
Outings. 

CANCER ranked third as a cause of death 
in the registration area of the United States 
during 1928. Against it were charged 109,770 
deaths, giving the disease a rate of 95.9 
deaths per 100,000 of the population. Dis- 
eases which ranked above it were the organic 
diseases of the heart, with a rate of 207.7, 
and pneumonia in all its forms, with a 
rate of 98.0. Tuberculosis was fourth on the 
list, with a rate of 79.2. Thus cancer has 
now outranked tuberculosis as a cause of 
death. Its reported death rate has increased 
steadily in the past few years, from 83.4 in 
1920 to 94.9 in 1926 and 95.6 in 1927. A 
part, however, of this increase is undoubtedly 
due to better diagnoses and to more accurate 
recording of the causes of death. 

Although much research is being carried 
on in this field, the causes of cancer are still 
unknown. At the present time the only rea- 
sonable hope held out by medical authorities 



49 



Cancer 



for the cure or alleviation of the disease lies 
in early diagnosis and treatment. Improved 
techniques in the use of X-rays and radium 
have been developed within the past few 
years, and as a consequence these forms of 
treatment are now being more extensively 
used. Although much alleviation has been 
given, and apparently many cures have been 
effected, sufficient time has not yet elapsed 
to indicate the final efficacy of the most 
recent methods of radiation application. 
Facilities for the diagnosis and treatment of 
cancer are inadequate for the greater part of 
the country. While a number of the larger 
cities have clinics, most cancer patients still 
depend, for diagnosis and treatment, upon 
family physicians whose experience, especi- 
ally with the early stages of the disease, is 
quite limited. There is a lack of free beds 
in hospitals, not only for cases which require 
treatment, but also for those which merely 
require care. The latter, or "terminal" 
cases, often remain in an institution as long 
as six months. 

For the purpose of collecting and dissemi- 
nating information in this field the American 
Society for the Control of Cancer was organ- 
ized in 191 3 through the efforts of a commit- 
tee of the American Gynecological Associa- 
tion. The organization includes representa- 
tives from practically all the national medical 
organizations. Many state and county medi- 
cal societies have cancer committees, whose 
chief activity has been the holding of meet- 
ings with special speakers on the subject. 



Developments and Events, ig2Q. In December 
the American College of Surgeons announced 
a nation-wide campaign to establish cancer 
clinics with standard methods in cities of 
every section of the United States. These 
leaders have come to realize that members of 
their own professional group must have fur- 
ther education on two points: the necessity 
of recognizing the symptoms of cancer early, 
and the danger of postponing treatment. In 
addition, they must be impressed with the 
need for closer cooperation between the sur- 
geon, the radiologist, and the pathologist; 



and with their own responsibility as indi- 
viduals for promoting public provision of 
more special facilities for the diagnosis and 
treatment of cancer. 

The research activities of the year 1929 
related principally to the effects of X-rays 
and radium upon normal and cancer cells. 
These studies were carried on at the large 
centers, especially at the Huntington Hospi- 
tal in Boston, the Institute for Cancer Re- 
search at Columbia University and the 
Memorial Hospital in New York City, the 
University of Pennsylvania Medical School, 
the Cancer Institute of the University of 
Minnesota, and the Roscoe B. Jackson Me- 
morial Laboratory at Bar Harbor, Maine. 
Following a report on cancer research sub- 
mitted to the United States Public Health 
Service by an advisory committee of con- 
sultants, a resolution was passed in the 
Senate directing its Commerce Committee to 
investigate ways and means whereby the 
federal government may aid in the discovery 
of a successful and practical cure for cancer. 

During the year 900,000 leaflets and pam- 
phlets concerning cancer were distributed 
by the national association; advertisements 
focusing attention on the early signs of 
cancer were placed in many national and 
local publications, space being contributed 
by them for the purpose; and state and local 
groups were organized to conduct cancer 
campaigns and disseminate information on 
the subject to organizations, physicians, and 
the lay public. The Canti film— a motion 
picture produced in London, showing the 
behavior of living tissues in vitro and the 
action of radium upon normal and cancer 
cells, and illustrating the new research 
methods in micro-biology— was shown before 
medical societies and educational institu- 
tions throughout the country. 

Other outstanding events of the year, in 
addition to the continued promotion of addi- 
tional cancer facilities by the state boards 
of health of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, 
and Delaware, have included the following: 
The Chicago Women's Club organized a 
Cancer Research Institute in connection 



50 



Catholic Social Work 



with its educational campaign; the North 
Carolina Legislature voted $2,500 for an 
educational campaign covering 25 of the 
100 counties of the state; Cleveland received 
a gift of $50,000 for the purchase of radium 
for the treatment of cancer among the poor; 
the Georgia Legislature appropriated $100,- 
000 to the Albert Steiner Clinic in Atlanta 
for the construction of a building for patients 
from any part of the state; and the first 
clinic in the state for the diagnosis and treat- 
ment of cancer was opened in Manchester, 
N. H. As a result of these different forms of 
educational publicity there has been an in- 
creased attendance at clinics and increased 
visits to the practising physician with a 
demand for early examination in suspicious 
conditions. More definite information on the 
whole subject of cancer has been sought 
by the lay public as well as by many phy- 
sicians. 

In spite, however, of the many efforts to 
control it, the cancer death rate has con- 
tinued to rise. The organizations interested 
have, therefore, determined on a more con- 
certed attack on the problem during 1930, 
with special emphasis on the field of pure 
research and upon increased clinical and 
other facilities for early diagnosis and more 
adequate treatment. 

Consult: Report on Cancer Control of an Inter- 
national Symposium, 1927, and The American So- 
ciety for the Control of Cancer, 1925, both pub- 
lished by the Society. 

Arthur H. Estabrook 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 580. 

CARDIAC CLINICS. See Heart Disease. 

CASE LOADS. See Statistics of Social 
Work. 

CASE WORK. See Social Case Work. 

CATHOLIC SOCIAL WORK. Service to 
the poor is looked upon by the Catholic 
Church as an organic part of Christian life. 



Beneath differences of culture, wealth, and 
position lies the spiritual quality of human 
life, outgrowth of brotherhood in Christ. It 
is one outcome of the divine charity to which 
Christ gives precedence. There is no period 
in the history of the Church when this does 
not appear in doctrine and action. Inquiry 
and discrimination in service to the poor are 
inherent in the doctrines of the early Fathers 
of the Church that the individual is of su- 
preme worth and his right to the develop- 
ment of his God-given personality is funda- 
mental. The present variety of activities 
and agencies of relief represents the energy 
of a spiritual conviction acting upon complex 
social conditions. Catholic charity is social 
as well as individual and its interest and in- 
fluence extend to social action for the elimina- 
tion and prevention of social evils. 

Catholic charities embrace every type of 
organized service to meet human needs. 
They are directed and participated in both 
by the religious and the laity. There are 
in the United States 68 religious orders of 
men and 188 orders of women engaged in 
charitable and educational work. The sick 
are cared for in 653 hospitals, clinics or dis- 
pensaries, and nursing service is given in 
their own homes by 18 religious communities. 
Children deprived of proper parental care 
are cared for by institutional and non-insti- 
tutional agencies. There are organizations 
for the relief and visitation of prisoners, for 
protective care for young people, day nur- 
series, settlements, homes for working boys 
and girls, working women, homeless men, and 
the aged. A vast amount of unorganized 
service is given through the regular adminis- 
tration of the diocesan clergy, who care for 
the temporal needs of their parishioners 
without referring them to agencies beyond 
the parish boundaries. The amount spent 
in relief through this channel is unrecorded 
and incalculable. 

Diocesan Agencies. The present trend in 
organization is toward a development of 
diocesan agencies whose programs include 
coordination of the charitable services of the 



51 



Catholic Social Work 



dioceses. The first of these was established 
in 1903. Between that time and the end of 
1919 similar agencies had been established 
in 14 dioceses. There are now 41 central 
diocesan agencies in as many dioceses and 
archdioceses, and 21 branch offices operating 
under the supervision of the offices in the 
diocesan sees. Diocesan agencies are most 
frequently called Catholic Charities; other 
names used include Bureau or Conference of 
Catholic Charities, Catholic Social Welfare 
Bureau, and Diocesan Bureau of Social Ser- 
vice. The changing social and economic 
status of the parish, the various attempts to 
apply case work service to institutions and 
child-placing agencies, and a desire to sup- 
plement the work of volunteer agencies were 
conspicuous factors in the development of 
diocesan-wide programs. These were organ- 
ized first in the children's and family fields. 
More recently they have included recrea- 
tional and settlement work and protective 
care. Four dioceses have health and hospital 
divisions. In most instances the diocesan 
agencies were established after an intensive 
study of the charitable resources and the 
needs of the area. They were organized to 
correlate the services of isolated agencies, to 
develop specialized agencies to meet unfilled 
needs, to improve standards of work, and to 
promote better financial support and alloca- 
tion of funds. The preliminary studies fre- 
quently revealed that Catholic agencies 
were not making sufficient use of community 
resources for the care of their people. They 
pointed out the importance of selecting for 
intensive care certain problems that were 
not dealt with adequately by public or pri- 
vate community agencies and those with 
which the organization of the Church is 
peculiarly fitted to deal. 

Diocesan programs are built upon the 
leadership and encouragement of the bishop; 
they are a cooperative and systematized 
service, participated in by all diocesan charit- 
able agencies and institutions under both 
clerical and lay direction; they have a uni- 
fied system of raising money; they require a 
trained personnel, usually under the direc- 



tion of a priest. Their aims are improved 
standards and better integration of services. 
The content of their programs varies. In 
many dioceses intake and discharge services 
for all child-caring agencies are given them 
by the central offices. In others, the indi- 
vidual institutions provide it for themselves. 
All diocesan agencies carry on child welfare 
services; about two-thirds do family work, 
about one-fourth have protective care pro- 
grams, and a slightly smaller proportion 
have recreational or settlement programs. 
Central office staff members through their 
case work service, counsel and cooperation 
with pastors and parish workers, and educa- 
tional work with volunteers strengthen the 
relationships between parishes and central 
office. The resources of the latter are not 
designed to relieve the parishes of responsi- 
bility. The trend is increasingly to develop 
parish resources, in money and service, and 
to supplement both when the case work 
service indicates the necessity. Nearly all 
diocesan agencies are members of local com- 
munity chests where these are organized. 
Others are supported by annual appeals 
throughout the diocese. 

National Agencies. The organization of two 
agencies, both national in scope, has 
markedly influenced the development of 
Catholic charities in the United States. The 
first of these, the National Conference of 
Catholic Charities, was organized in 1910. 
Meeting at first biennially and then annually, 
it has held 15 meetings. The proceedings 
are source books on the developmental 
trends, in organization and policies, of Cath- 
olic charities. In 1920 it organized a Sisters' 
Conference, which has brought the Sisters 
engaged in charitable work into closer con- 
tact with other related activities. The Con- 
ference publishes a periodical, the Catholic 
Charities Review. Specially appointed com- 
mittees have studied and published a set of 
standards for Catholic child-caring homes, 
family service in diocesan agencies, and sum- 
mer camps, and a study of settlements is 
to be completed and published in 1930. 



52 



Catholic Social Work 



In 1920 the National Catholic Welfare 
Conference was formed by the hierarchy of 
the United States. The Department of 
Social Action maintains a staff whose ser- 
vice—for surveys, special studies, and con- 
ferences—is available to dioceses on request. 
Its publications include articles, pamphlets, 
and books on subjects of interest in the fields 
of Catholic social work and industrial rela- 
tions. It organized the Catholic Conference 
on Industrial Problems, which holds one 
annual and several regional meetings yearly. 
The Department of Social Action carries on 
an intensive educational program on the 
teachings of the Church concerning social 
justice and industrial relations. 

Family Welfare Work under Catholic auspices 
is carried on directly by pastors, or by socie- 
ties such as the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, 
the Ladies of Charity, and so forth. In 
dioceses where a centralized agency for 
family welfare service has been organized its 
purpose is to supplement the resources of the 
parishes both in service and material aid. 
In parishes where no organization exists the 
responsibility of caring for the poor rests on 
the pastor. In rural areas and small urban 
parishes this method of care prevails in 
general. The Society of St. Vincent de Paul 
is an organization in the Church devoted to 
the service of the poor. It functions through 
its parish "conferences"— small units in 
which its members give personal and dis- 
criminating service to any one appealing to 
them. The first conference was established 
in this country in 1845. The Society has at 
present a membership of approximately 
18,200 laymen, enrolled in 1,450 parish con- 
ferences, mainly in the larger cities. In addi- 
tion to relief and family service, the Society 
visits hospitals and prisons, and conducts 
summer camps and convalescent homes for 
both children and adults. It organized the 
first child-placing society under Catholic 
auspices in the country. A Program for 
Family Service in Diocesan Agencies, pub- 
lished in 1928 by a Committee on Standards 
of Family Case Work in Diocesan Agencies 



of the National Conference of Catholic Char- 
ities, is based on an intensive field study of 
five diocesan family agencies. The report of 
the Committee contains information on the 
place of charity in the Church, methods of 
maintaining standards of case work, staff 
organization, records and record keeping, and 
participation in movements for the preven- 
tion of family disintegration. 

Child Welfare and Protection. Catholic child- 
caring homes at present number 588 and 
care for 81,000 children. For the physically 
and mentally defective there are 34 Catholic 
homes which care for and educate 6,800 
children. Within the last 10 years practically 
all newly built institutions have been on the 
cottage plan, and many of the older institu- 
tions have modified their congregate build- 
ings into small group units. A Program for 
Catholic Child-Caring Homes, published in 
1923 by the Committee on Standards of the 
Sisters Conference of the National Con- 
ference of Catholic Charities, describes the 
general principles of administration for child- 
caring homes, the type of social inquiry that 
should be made before admission, during the 
stay of the child in the institution, and after 
discharge. The recommendation is emphatic 
that no children should be accepted for care 
whose own "homes are normal and happy or 
when they can be made so by financial assis- 
tance or efficient family welfare work." 

Placing out in free homes has been a func- 
tion of Catholic institutions for over 60 
years. The number of institutions which 
now follow this practice is decreasing, as 
better standards and resources for institu- 
tional care and child placing are evolving. 
The development of facilities for intake ser- 
vice, more flexible programs for temporary 
institutional and boarding care, and more 
extensive after-care are reducing the number 
of children placed in free homes. 

Particularly where central diocesan agencies 
have been organized, service for children is 
being planned with special reference to their 
specific requirements. The increase of suit- 
able foster home or boarding care for anemic, 



53 



Catholic Social Work 



problem, or retarded children, or children 
with other recognized needs, has been greatly 
accelerated through the leadership and re- 
sources of the diocesan charity bureaus. In 
1897 the Catholic Home Bureau of New York 
was established by the Society of St. Vincent 
de Paul for the purposes of finding suitable 
homes for Catholic children eligible for adop- 
tion. Other agencies of this type under lay 
auspices have since been established and the 
diocesan agencies now carry on an extensive 
child-caring service. The most recently 
developed program in this field is that of the 
Catholic Daughters of America. 

For delinquent, wayward, and incorrigible 
children there are 54 Catholic institutions 
caring for approximately 9,000 boys and 
girls. Lay organizations, such as the Cath- 
olic Big Brothers and Big Sisters, are organ- 
ized in many dioceses, and where these do 
not exist, and supervisory service is not 
adequately organized by the court itself, the 
bishop appoints a priest or requests a lay 
organization to arrange for the supervision 
of Catholic children coming to the attention 
of courts. In certain dioceses protective 
care service for boys has been organized 
under the Holy Name Society. This service 
is on a volunteer basis. In Chicago, Detroit, 
New York, Pittsburgh, and other places lay 
organizations of women are doing protective 
work for girls. The National Conference of 
Catholic Charities in 1929 appointed a com- 
mittee on protective care which will report 
in 1930. A temporary report was given at the 
meeting of the Conference in 1929. It indi- 
cates that there is a wide variety of organiza- 
tions and standards of service, but a meas- 
ureable trend toward the development of a 
case work program under trained leadership. 

Recreation and Character-Building Service for 
young boys is carried on by the Knights of 
Columbus under the organization Columbian 
Squires. It has 72 local units in 28 states 
and an individual membership of 4,700. 
Similar activities for girls are developed 
locally by councils of the Catholic Daughters 
of America, Daughters of Isabella, and the 



National Council of Catholic Women, which 
operate girls' clubs, summer homes, recrea- 
tional centers, and so forth. Many local 
women's clubs without national affiliations 
do likewise. They also operate homes for 
young employed girls and women, and room 
registries. There are 199 boarding homes for 
young women under Catholic auspices, and 
room registries are maintained in 34 cities. 
Practically all of the former carry on educa- 
tional and recreational activities. The re- 
ligious orders also maintain boarding homes 
in many cities. 

There are about 1,200 Boy Scout troops 
under Catholic auspices, and a Catholic 
Committee on Scouting has been organized 
in cooperation with the Boy Scouts of Amer- 
ica. The Catholic Boys' Brigade, established 
by the Catholic Protective Society in 191 7, 
had 130,000 boys enrolled in 1929. The 
hierarchy of the United States has endorsed 
the program of the Girl Scouts, and in all 
dioceses scout troops have been organized 
in the Catholic schools and churches. In 
most instances the leader of these troops is a 
Catholic. At the national headquarters 
there is an adviser who may be consulted on 
all problems relating to Catholic organiza- 
tion and promotion of scouting. 

The Catholic settlement movement is 
interested primarily in providing wholesome 
recreation for Catholic children where this 
does not exist, and in giving religious instruc- 
tion to children who are not attending 
parochial schools. In 1928 the National 
Conference of Catholic Charities appointed a 
committee to study the subject of Catholic 
settlements. It will report in 1930. There 
are approximately 100 agencies in this coun- 
try carrying on settlement activities for 
Catholic children. Some of these are in con- 
nection with day nurseries and other institu- 
tions. There are 43 settlements separately 
organized, which in 1929 carried on activities 
for approximately 19,000 adults and 17,000 
children. Seventeen of these are under re- 
ligious management and 15 under lay man- 
agement; one has both. In 30 settlements 
trained workers are employed. 



54 



Catholic Social Work 



Miscellaneous Activities. The Catholic Rural 
Life Bureau of the National Catholic Welfare 
Conference carries on an information service 
for organizations in rural parishes. It holds 
an annual conference. Religious vacation 
schools were held under its auspices in 1929, 
and 85 schools were conducted in 20 mis- 
sionary dioceses in the South and Southwest, 
employing 300 teachers and enrolling 5,600 
pupils for a month of intensive religious edu- 
cation, including incidental recreational and 
handicraft activities. The Bureau is also 
promoting the organization of parish credit 
unions, and publishes a monthly bulletin, 
Catholic Rural Life. 

Service to newly arrived immigrants is 
organized chiefly under local diocesan 
auspices. There are many lay organiza- 
tions participating in this service, and re- 
ligious orders, particularly of women, are 
carrying it on in a few cities. The Bureau 
of Civic Education of the National Catholic 
Welfare Conference has published pamphlets 
on the rights and duties of American citizens 
which have been translated into ^languages. 
The National Catholic Welfare Conference 
maintains a Bureau of Immigration which 
furnishes advice, information, and service to 
immigrants at Ellis Island and at El Paso. 
In Boston and Philadelphia the local diocesan 
agency renders similar service. The Con- 
ference Bureau carries on information service 
and correspondence with foreign centers, 
and a follow-up program is organized through 
the Catholic agencies in the various dioceses. 
In Cleveland and Newark the diocesan units 
of the National Council of Catholic Women 
carry on this latter service. 

Catholic homes for aged men and women 
number 156. Approximately one-third of 
them accept patients as free charges; the 
remainder accept them on full or partial 
payments. Most of the free homes are con- 
ducted by the Little Sisters of the Poor. 
Several other religious orders also conduct 
homes for the aged, both on a free and pay 
basis. 

In nine dioceses there are 1 1 institutions 
for colored children caring for an average of 



about 1,100 children. In the larger cities 
individual parishes have several types of 
organized charitable recreation and educa- 
tional services for the colored. 

There are 2,400 Indian children under the 
care of 19 institutions which have been estab- 
lished in 14 dioceses; and in addition, 6,400 
Catholic Indian children in mission day 
schools conducted in 154 mission centers. 
A total of 200 priests, 450 Sisters, and 60 
Brothers are giving their services in these 
institutions. 

There are approximately 100 Catholic day 
nurseries, caring for 25,000 children. These 
are conducted under both lay and religious 
auspices. Summer homes and camps are 
operated under the auspices of the Society 
of St. Vincent de Paul, the local diocesan 
councils of the National Council of Catholic 
Women, the Catholic Daughters of America, 
and other local agencies. Approximately 60 
were maintained in 1929. The Society of 
St. Vincent de Paul conducts day outings 
and camps for women and children. The 
diocesan agencies also carry on this service. 

In the larger urban centers there are insti- 
tutions for homeless men and for homeless 
women and children. In seven dioceses and 
archdioceses there are homes for working 
boys with a capacity of about 1,200 boys. 
They are operated in most instances by the 
clergy or Christian Brothers. The Society 
of St. Vincent de Paul has done more to 
develop service and visitation to prisoners 
and aid to prisoners' families than any other 
Catholic agency. It organized the American 
Society for Visiting Catholic Prisoners in 
Philadelphia in 1883. All councils of the 
Society carry on work of this kind. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Training for social work is becoming in- 
creasingly important in Catholic agencies. 
The diocesan agencies require professional 
training for their staff members who are 
engaged in family, children's, and protective 
work. Professional schools under Catholic 
auspices have been established as follows: 
National Catholic School of Social Service; 



55 



Character Education 



Loyola School of Sociology; Fordham School 
of Social Service; and Boy Guidance De- 
partment, School of Education, University of 
Notre Dame, and a school for social work in 
St. Louis at St. Louis University. See Edu- 
cation for Social Work and Youth Ser- 
vice Associations— Knights of Columbus. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. Apart from 
the usual national conferences and several 
important benefactions for the promotion of 
different forms of Catholic social work, the 
most significant developments or events of 
the year were the following: The Catholic 
Welfare Conference in Illinois was organized 
by representatives of the five dioceses in 
that state; the Department of Sociology of 
Notre Dame University established a course 
to train college men for probation service; 
the school for social work was organized in 
St. Louis at St. Louis University; the Na- 
tional Board of Daughters of Isabella 
adopted a plan to assist the Sisters of Charity 
in their national project in behalf of crippled 
children; a Catholic Recreation Commission 
was organized in Louisville to promote recre- 
ation and athletic activities in the parochial 
schools during recess periods and after school 
hours; construction was begun on a new 
diocesan home for children in Cheyenne, 
Wyo., to cost $200,000; and the Maryknoll 
Sisters opened a home for Oriental children 
in Seattle. 

Studies in this field, carried on during the 
year, include the following: A study of 100 
child-caring institutions under the auspices 
of a special committee of the National Con- 
ference of Catholic Charities and the Com- 
monwealth Fund; a study of protective care 
agencies in selected dioceses, under the 
auspices of the Committee on Protective 
Care of the National Conference of Catholic 
Charities; a study of family desertion by a 
special committee of the National Confer- 
ence of Catholic Charities; a study of the 
New York Catholic Protectory, under the 
auspices of the Board of Managers of the 
Protectory, by the Department of Social 
Action, National Catholic Welfare Con- 



ference; a survey of the Diocese of Omaha 
by John O'Grady and of the Diocese of 
Louisville by John A. Lapp; and a nation- 
wide study of the activities of students in 
American Catholic institutions of higher 
learning, in the interest of the movement 
known as Catholic Action, by the seminarians 
of the Catholic Students' Mission Crusade 
at St. Mary's Mission House, Techny, 111. 

Consult: Kerby, Wm. J.: The Social Mission 
of Charity, 1921; Ryan, John A.: "Charity and 
Charities," in the Catholic Encyclopedia; Cooley, 
Edwin J.: Probation and Delinquency, 1927; 
O'Grady, John: Introduction to Social Work, 1928, 
and The Catholic Church and the Destitute, 1929; 
National Catholic Welfare Conference: Study Club 
Outlines on Social Service, 1926, The Labor Problem 
— What it is and how to solve it, 1921, The Boy 
Problem, 1924, The Church and Rural Problems, 
1925, Girls' Welfare, 1925, Health Education, 1926, 
Women and Industry, 1927, Immigration, 1927, 
The National Catholic Welfare Conference Social 
Action s Department Half-inch Book Shelf on the 
Labor Problem, 1925, Health Education Bibliogra- 
phy for Teachers' Use, 1928, Foods and Nutrition, 
1928, and Health thru the School Day, 1928; Na- 
tional Council of Catholic Women: Study of the 
Housing of Employed Women and Girls, 1925; 
Directory of Boarding Homes for Young Women, 
1929; Furfey, Paul H.: Social Problems of Child- 
hood, 1929; Lapp, John A.: Justice First, 1928; 
Ryan and Husslein: Church and Labor, 1920; 
Cooper, John M.: Play Fair (Catholic Education 
Press), 1923; and the Official Catholic Year Book, 
1928. 

Rose J. McHugh 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 580. 

CHARACTER EDUCATION. As part of 
their theory that everyone should be able to 
read the Bible, churches established the first 
schools in America. After the Revolution, 
however, scientific discoveries, religious 
toleration, and the growth of democracy 
shifted the educational emphasis. Public 
funds were rarely granted to church schools. 
The separation of church and state elimi- 
nated religious teaching from the public 
schools and completed their secularization. 



56 



Character Education 



Since 1913, however, a marked interest in 
character education has appeared, traceable 
to several factors: the inability of the church 
to hold adolescents; the belief by many per- 
sons that juvenile delinquency has been in- 
creasing; the recognition that the tradi- 
tional school subjects do not equip pupils 
to meet moral problems; increased knowl- 
edge of the psychology of personality; and 
attempts to measure character and per- 
sonality traits. In 1929 there were 22 states 
which required moral education in elemen- 
tary public schools. 1 The National Educa- 
tion Association and the Religious Education 
Association, through their publications and 
conventions, have stimulated interest and 
research in this field. 

In 1 9 1 4— 1 9 1 5 the Character Education 
Institute of Washington, D. C, aroused 
widespread interest by a contest for a chil- 
dren's morality code. The award of $5,000 
was given to President William J. Hutchins 
of Berea College. The successful code has 
become the basis for direct character teach- 
ing in many schools. In 1922 a second award 
of $20,000 for the best plan for character 
education was given to Professor Edwin D. 
Starbuck, of the University of Iowa, and his 
associates. This plan is now widely used. 
Following the award, Professor Starbuck 
organized the Institute of Character Re- 
search at the University of Iowa. That 
body has since issued studies of world citi- 
zenship, deception, religious radicalism, and 
a Guide to Literature for Character Training. 
Under the auspices of the Character Educa- 
tion Inquiry at Teachers College, Columbia 
University, between 1924 and 1929, Hugh H. 
Hartshorne and Mark A. May made a de- 
tailed study of deception in children. This 
study was made under a grant from the 
Institute of Social and Religious Research. 
The first national conference on character 
education in schools was called in New York 

1 California, Idaho, Indiana, Kentucky, Maine, 
Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Mississippi, 
New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, 
Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South 
Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, 
and Wisconsin. 



City, in 1928, by the National Child Welfare 
Association and Teachers College. 

In addition to the research organizations 
mentioned, several agencies have developed 
for direct character education work with 
children. See listings (in Part II of this 
volume) of the National Child Welfare As- 
sociation, Inc., Pathfinders of America, 
Knights of King Arthur, Ladies of Avalon, 
and Yeomen of King Arthur. These agen- 
cies have what they hold to be "common 
sense" programs. By outsiders, however, 
these programs have often been criticized 
as at variance with scientific findings. 

Many public school systems, including 
those of Los Angeles, Denver, and Boston, 
now have well-established courses of char- 
acter education. One type is "direct char- 
acter education," in which a specified period 
is set aside for study of a given trait, such as 
honesty. "Indirect character education" 
consists in organizing the entire school pro- 
gram so as to give the child practice in char- 
acter development. The latter type is gain- 
ing ground. Another approach is through 
individual counselling with children who 
show character defects. Mental hygiene 
programs and the work of visiting teachers 
are closely related to this field. 

Consult: Cavan, Ruth Shonle: "Character Edu- 
cation in Public Schools," in Religious Educa- 
tion, Nov ember, 1927; Office of Education, United 
States Department of the Interior: Character 
Education (Bulletin No. 7), 1926 (includes bibli- 
ography); Charters, W. W.: The Teaching of 
Ideals, 1927; Germane and Germane: Character 
Education, 1929; and Hartshorne and May; 
Studies in the Nature of Character — Studies in 
Deceit, 1928, and Studies in Service and Self- 
Control, 1929. 

Ruth Shonle Cavan 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 581. 



CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS. 
Foundations in Social Work. 



See 



CHARITABLE TRANSPORTATION. See 
Transportation of Clients. 



57 



Child Development Research 



CHARITIES ENDORSEMENT. See En- 
dorsement of Social Agencies. 

CHARITIES, STATE AGENCIES. See 
Public Welfare, State Agencies. 

CHARITY DEPARTMENTS OF CITIES 
OR COUNTIES. See Public Welfare, 
Local Agencies. 

CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCI- 
ETIES. See Family Welfare Societies. 

CHILD ACCOUNTING. See Vocational 
Guidance. 

CHILD DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH 
is a term which covers all scientific study of 
any stage or aspect of child development or 
the inter-relationships of two or more as- 
pects. The physical and the mental aspects 
of child development with their many sub- 
divisions have up to the present time re- 
ceived the greatest amount of attention from 
scientists; in the newer field of research — 
the social behavior of young children- 
techniques are only now being devised and 
publication is just beginning. 

A survey of different lines of research being 
carried on in the field of child development 
was made in 1927 for the National Research 
Council. At that time 425 persons with the 
rank of professor or research assistant were 
reported to be engaged upon projects in this 
field. Of these research workers 24 per cent 
were engaged on problems of anatomy and 
physical growth; 26 per cent on the rela- 
tionship between health or disease and child 
development; 18 per cent on problems of 
nutrition, diet, and metabolism; 20 per cent 
on problems of mental development and 
behavior other than intelligence measure- 
ment and mental hygiene; 21 per cent on 
behavior and habit problems, personality 
traits and personality adjustment, emotional 
balance, and general mental hygiene; and 
smaller percentages were studying intelli- 
gence and its measurement, educational 
problems, the home and family influences, 
heredity, endocrinological factors, the rela- 
tionship between mental and physical con- 



ditions, and so forth. This summary gives 
some idea of the range of present-day re- 
search in child development and also indi- 
cates the general distribution of emphasis. 
What it does not so specifically show to the 
lay reader is the way in which activities such 
as these lay the foundation for improvements 
in methods of child care, whether considered 
from the standpoint of health, education, or 
social adjustment, and thus directly in- 
fluence related fields of social work. The 
connection is recognized, however, and grate- 
fully acknowledged by all those who have 
received professional training for any of 
these fields. 

History and Present Status. The interest of 
leaders in philosophy and education has 
been turned to child development for more 
than 2,000 years. One needs only to mention 
Plato in the ancient world, Comenius in the 
Middle Ages, and Locke, Froebel, John 
Stuart Mill, Pestalozzi, and many others 
down to John Dewey, to be convinced of 
the interest displayed by thinkers. The 
actual recording of observations of individual 
children has been less frequent. There are a 
few well-known examples of it by distin- 
guished men such as Preyer and Darwin. 
Not, however, until shortly before 1900 was 
any attempt made to interest educated 
parents in keeping records of the develop- 
ment of their babies. Millicent Shinn then 
persuaded a small group of college trained 
mothers to keep such records, and Miss 
Shinn's own study of her niece during her 
first year, which she incorporated into her 
Biography of a Baby, is still a classic de- 
scription. 

One reason for the lack of scientific study 
of young children was the fact that babies 
were to be found, for the most part, only in 
private family homes and could not easily 
be brought together in groups for purposes 
of research. This difficulty was to a de- 
gree overcome by the development of nur- 
sery schools. Indeed one of the earliest of 
such schools in this country was organized 
by the Bureau of Educational Experiments 



58 



Child Development Research 



of New York City in 19 19 for the express 
purpose of studying child development 
through observation and expert testing of 
individuals in this group, and then of build- 
ing an educational program upon the basis 
of this scientific study. Some two years 
later, when Bird Baldwin, of the University of 
Iowa, succeeded in gathering together daily 
a group of young children for the purpose of 
research in experimental psychology, he 
called his group not a nursery school but a 
laboratory, to indicate more clearly its pri- 
mary function. At about the same time, the 
Merrill-Palmer School of Detroit established 
a nursery school to serve as a center of re- 
search and training in child care. See Nur- 
sery Schools. 

Meanwhile, independent of these experi- 
ments, people generally were beginning to 
realize more clearly than ever before the 
far reaching significance of the experiences 
of early childhood. Various influences were 
instrumental in awakening this realization. 
Genetic psychology, education, psychiatry, 
mental hygiene, and finally psychoanalysis 
had all stressed the strong and permanent 
influence of the early years of life. The 
urgent need for more scientific knowledge of 
this period and for better educational treat- 
ment of it had become apparent. This 
necessitated a demand for the cooperation 
of parents, and once more directed the atten- 
tion of scientists to the nursery school as a 
place where, of necessity, educators and 
parents worked in close cooperation. Inter- 
est in this type of preschool education spread 
rapidly. Kindergartens recognized in the 
nursery school a preliminary stage. Psy- 
chology saw the chance for experimental 
study; nutrition and pediatrics found a new 
approach to the food problems and medical 
aspects of normal young childhood; home 
economics stressed child care as a course in 
homemaking. The angles of attack were so 
many, and the amount of research required 
so great, that only a university was in any 
measure prepared to establish such work. 
Although any well-organized university had 
on its staff the various experts necessary for a 



well-rounded project, the establishment of 
additional coordination was needed and new 
research is an expensive undertaking re- 
quiring special funds. The Laura Spelman 
Rockefeller Foundation saw the possibility 
of establishing valuable centers in universi- 
ties by furnishing the needed funds, and to 
date has established or financed centers for 
research in child development at the fol- 
lowing universities: Columbia, Minnesota, 
Iowa, Cornell, California, and Yale. The 
same Foundation has established the Wash- 
ington Child Research Center, with which 
several government departments and private 
agencies cooperate. 

There are now a large number of centers 
in the United States which are carrying on 
some phase of research in child development. 
They are listed in the Twenty-Eighth Year 
Book of the National Society for the Study 
of Education (1929). It is possible here to 
mention only a few of the most highly de- 
veloped and best known of these centers. 
In the University of Iowa, as already indi- 
cated, experimental psychology has been 
the chief interest. Significant contributions 
have also been made to parent education 
through the affiliation of the University with 
the Iowa State Department of Education. 
The University of Minnesota has a large, 
well-organized center under the direction of 
psychologists. Cooperation with other de- 
partments of the University, notably the 
Department of Anthropometry, has been 
stressed and extension courses in parent 
education have been given through the ex- 
tension department of the University. Co- 
lumbia University has a department which 
has been distinguished for its policy of con- 
ducting research and of organizing coopera- 
tion among the university faculties. It has 
investigated and published studies of special 
problems in the psychology of young child- 
hood; in medicine, physical growth, and 
nutrition; in education; in the social psy- 
chology of young childhood; and in parent 
education. In the field of parent education 
Columbia University has cooperated with 
the Child Study Association of America and 



59 



Child Guidance 



with the National Congress of Parents and 
Teachers. In Cornell University research 
in child development was begun in connec- 
tion with home economics and as a phase of 
preparation for homemaking. Cornell has 
also done work in psychology and in the be- 
havior of young children, and has carried 
on parent education through its university 
extension division. California is the most 
recent of this group of centers connected 
with large universities. Its staff represents 
psychological training. The department is 
as yet so new and so much in the position of 
feeling its way that one cannot say where 
the stress of its work will fall. 

Each of these centers has established and 
conducted its own nursery school and has 
used the nursery school both in research and 
in parent education. Each center tends to 
develop more than one kind of work. The 
types most frequently represented are: the 
education of young children in the nursery 
school, research in medicine, psychology, 
social behavior, mental hygiene, the clinical 
treatment of children, and social work; 
finally, the training of teachers and ad- 
ministrators. Not all these forms of work 
are equally well developed in any one center, 
but every prominent center represents more 
than one type. 

The various conferences and other events 
in which workers in the field of child de- 
velopment were particularly interested dur- 
ing the year are reported in the articles 
on Parent Education, Parent Teacher 
Movement, and Nursery Schools. 

Consult: National Society for the Study of Edu- 
cation: Year Book, 1929 — Preschool and Parent 
Education (Public School Publishing Company); 
National Research Council, Committee on Child 
Development: Child Development Abstracts and 
Bibliography, (1927 to date); American Psycho- 
logical Association: Psychological Abstracts— sec- 
tion on Childhood and Adolescence (particularly 
1927 to date). 

Helen T. Woolley 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 581. 



CHILD GUIDANCE. The term "child 
guidance," which was applied originally both 
to visiting teacher service and to the work 
of psychiatric clinics for children, is now more 
often limited in its application to the activi- 
ties of the clinics. In a few school systems, 
however, psychiatric clinics function through 
a staff of visiting teachers, and in such places 
the visiting teacher work is still called child 
guidance. See Visiting Teachers, and 
Psychiatric Clinics for Children. 

CHILD HYGIENE is a term applied 
broadly to all activities for promoting the 
health of children from the beginning of the 
prenatal period to the end of adolescence. 
Its characteristics are: that it deals with an 
age group instead of being a specialized 
activity; it is consecutive in nature through- 
out childhood; it places its reliance upon 
preventive and educational methods; and 
it involves a combination of individual and 
community support. For subdivisions of the 
general field given separate treatment in the 
Year Book, see Maternal and Infant 
Hygiene, School Hygiene, Nutrition 
Work for Children, Mouth Hygiene, 
Health Education in the Public Schools, 
Diphtheria Prevention, and Child Wel- 
fare Activities of the Federal Govern- 
ment. This article deals only with activi- 
ties, public and private, which concern the 
field as a whole or more than one of its sub- 
divisions. 

As an organized governmental effort, child 
hygiene had its inception in this country in 
1908, when the first bureau of child hygiene 
was established by the municipal department 
of health in New York City. The next year 
Detroit followed suit, and in 19 10 Buffalo, 
Nashville, and Los Angeles did the same. 
From that time on other municipalities fell 
rapidly into line. 

The activities which these municipal 
bureaus or divisions of child hygiene now 
usually carry on include the provision of 
nursing, medical and dental services for 
pregnant women, infants, preschool and 
school-age children; in a few instances 



60 



Child Hygiene 



special services are also provided for cardiac 
and orthopedic cases, or for children needing 
treatment by psychiatric clinics (child 
guidance). 

Child hygiene activities in rural communi- 
ties are usually confined to the services 
rendered by the nursing staffs of public 
agencies. These services were widely ex- 
tended under the developments made possi- 
ble by the Sheppard-Towner Act. In some 
localities nursing and medical conferences 
have been developed and serve admirably 
as a substitute for clinical services. In Los 
Angeles County, Calif., in 1929, conferences 
were held each week, or bimonthly, under 
the Bureau of Maternal and Child Hygiene of 
the County Health Department. Similar 
conferences form an important part of the 
child hygiene program in Rutherford County, 
Tenn., Clarke County, Ga., and Marion 
County, Ore. This method of staggering 
medical and nursing conferences seems to 
give satisfactory contacts at a minimum cost. 

The school health program of county 
health departments rarely includes more than 
the routine nursing inspection, supplemented 
in some places by a complete medical ex- 
amination by the health officer or a part- 
time physician. Where communities have 
been stimulated to give adequate support to 
county health departments, additional ser- 
vices for school children are provided. For 
example, in San Joaquin County, Calif., an 
automobile truck, with the equipment of a 
modern dentist's office and in charge of a 
full-time dentist, regularly visits the rural 
schools and conducts dental clinics. 

Twenty-eight states have separate bureaus 
of child hygiene; in 11 states the field is 
combined with that of public health nursing. 
In Iowa the child health work has been con- 
ducted by the extension department of the 
University of Iowa, and in Colorado by the 
state department of education. In Nevada 
the work is nominally under the health 
department, but the activities are carried on 
outside the department. In all other states 
child hygiene is a function of the health de- 
partment. The activities usually carried on 



may be grouped into four divisions: (a) 
maternal and prenatal work; (b) infant 
health and welfare; (c) preschool hygiene; 
(d) school hygiene. The prenatal work has 
been most effectively carried out in the 
larger cities and to some extent in other local 
health organizations by means of clinics and 
conferences. Thirty-four states conduct 
infant clinics of some kind. The preschool 
child also has been receiving an increasing 
amount of attention with the view to pre- 
paring him physically for school work. In 
school visits and in clinics defects are sought 
and efforts made to secure their correction. 
Pennsylvania has a staff of eight persons and 
a budget of $80,500 for this phase of its 
health work. School hygiene is a function 
of the state health department in 15 states. 
In the remaining 33 states it is allocated to 
the department of education in seven and to 
the local health authorities in 17. Fifteen 
states require medical inspection of school 
children. Many health agencies, state and 
local, now employ full-time dentists on their 
staffs. 

Federal agencies which have carried on 
research in the child hygiene field are the 
United States Public Health Service, the 
Office of Education of the Department of 
the Interior, and the Children's Bureau of 
the Department of Labor, notably the last. 
The Children's Bureau was also responsible 
for the administration of the funds provided 
for work in the field of maternal and infant 
hygiene under the Sheppard-Towner Act. 
See Maternal and Infant Hygiene. 

The child hygiene movement has also 
been stimulated by the activities and support 
of hundreds of privately financed national 
and local organizations engaged in public 
health work or public welfare generally, and 
by specialized agencies dealing with various 
phases of child health. The national agency 
most active in this field is the American Child 
Health, Association, which conducts research, 
furthers community organization for child 
health, promotes health education in the 
public schools, lends personnel to assist in 
local campaigns for clean and safe milk, 



61 



Child Labor 



holds conferences and provides health 
literature for professional and lay groups. 
The Association is the chief sponsor of the 
National Child Health Day, which is cele- 
brated each year on the first of May. At 
this time an attempt is made to focus public 
attention upon year-round child health pro- 
grams which involve the cooperative activi- 
ties of home, school, and community. Among 
other agencies active in recent years in the 
field of child hygiene have been the Common- 
wealth Fund with its child health program, 
the American Red Cross with its child health 
demonstration in Mansfield County, Ohio, 
in which the American Child Health Asso- 
ciation participated, and the Milbank 
Memorial Fund in connection with the child 
health activities carried on as part of the 
health demonstration programs which it has 
financed in New York State and New York 
City. See Health Demonstrations. 

The most notable event of the year 1929 
in the field of child hygiene was the calling 
by President Hoover of the White House 
Conference on Child Health and Protection. 
Two of the five sections into which the com- 
mittees composing the conference member- 
ship are divided are to consider subjects in 
this field. For a list of the sections and sub- 
committees, and for other information about 
the White House Conference, see Part II of 
this volume. 

The year was marked also by the estab- 
lishment of a large foundation whose major 
activities as announced are of great sig- 
nificance to this field. The Children's Fund 
of Michigan was established on May 1, 1929, 
by Senator James Couzens, of Detroit, who 
gave $10,000,000 for the purpose of promot- 
ing "the health, welfare, happiness and de- 
velopment of the children of the State of 
Michigan primarily and elsewhere in the 
world." Among the activities in which the 
Fund is now engaged are the support of two 
county health demonstrations, the consoli- 
dation of eight "poor" counties into two 
units of four counties each for the purposes 
of health work, the supplying of nursing ser- 
vice in backward counties, prenatal nursing 



service in counties where the maternal mor- 
tality rate is high, instruction of mothers by 
women physicians, and a dental program in 
approximately 20 counties. In addition there 
is a research program which includes a study 
of dental caries at the University of Michi- 
gan. The trust agreement provides that 
about $700,000 shall be expended annually. 

In New York City the establishment of the 
Heckscher Institute for Child Health has 
been made possible by a gift from August 
Heckscher. The Institute will provide med- 
ical examinations for children attending 
the Heckscher Foundation; cooperating hos- 
pitals will provide necessary medical treat- 
ment. 

Other significant developments of the 
year in the field of child hygiene not espe- 
cially covered elsewhere in this volume in- 
clude the following: The Junior League of 
New Orleans concluded a two-year study of 
the causes and prevalence of rickets in that 
city; the Montana State Department of 
Health completed a study of trachoma among 
school children; a child health association 
was formed in Cleveland to correlate all 
activities in the interests of child health; 
and the Harrisburg Welfare Federation 
made a health survey with the aid of the 
American Child Health Association. 

For literature relating to this field see references 
given under the subdivisions of the field which are 
mentioned at the beginning of this article. 

S. Josephine Baker 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 581. 

CHILD LABOR is considered to be the 
employment of children under conditions 
likely to interfere with their health, welfare, 
or education. Agencies working in this field 
have set themselves the twofold task of pre- 
venting children from leaving school to enter 
industry, and of providing adequate safe- 
guards and supervision for young people 
going to work. 

The federal census of 1920 showed 1,060,- 



62 



Child Labor 



858 children from 10 to 15 years, and 1,712,- 
648 children 16 and 17 years old gainfully 
employed. Not all these young workers are 
harmfully employed, and child labor activi- 
ties have to do only with those who are work- 
ing at too early an age, at night, for too long 
hours, in dangerous or injurious occupations, 
or under unsuitable conditions. Among 
public agencies concerned with child labor 
are the Children's Bureau of the United 
States Department of Labor, which studies 
and publishes reports on child employment; 
state departments of labor, education, or 
sometimes health, which administer child 
labor and attendance laws and in a few in- 
stances carry on research or initiate legisla- 
tion; and the local authorities responsible 
for enforcement. 

History and Present Status. By the middle of 
the nineteenth century several states had 
made legislative attempts to control the 
abuse of child labor. In 1890 the National 
Consumers' League was organized and began 
its campaign in the interests of child workers; 
soon after, the first state child labor commit- 
tee was organized in Alabama. In 1902 the 
New York [State] Child Labor Committee 
was organized through the efforts originally 
of settlement workers in New York City. 

The National Child Labor Committee 
was formed in 1904 and incorporated in 1907. 
It has stimulated the creation of state child 
labor committees, both temporary and 
permanent, of which three are now actively 
at work: the New York Child Labor Com- 
mittee, the Massachusetts Child Labor 
Committee, and the Pennsylvania Public 
Education and Child Labor Association. 
The national committee investigated and 
made public the facts as to the employment 
of young children in coal mines, glass fac- 
tories, and textile mills; and more recently 
with regard to children on the stage, country 
and agricultural workers, messengers, street 
vendors, and children employed in tenement 
home work. The National Consumers' 
League, which has long participated in all 
efforts to abolish child labor, is at present 



specially interested in extra compensation 
and minimum wage legislation for minors. 
In addition the Consumers' Leagues of 
Connecticut, New Jersey, Ohio, eastern 
Pennsylvania, Cincinnati, and a few others 
are actively engaged in promoting study and 
legislation. 

Legislation has consistently been sought 
to remedy the evils of child labor. As early 
as 1902 the National Consumers' League 
published a standard child labor law (the 
statute of Massachusetts) as a guide for the 
drafting of adequate state laws; this was 
revised in succeeding years and in 1909 was 
replaced by the Uniform Child Labor Law, 
worked out by the Conference of Commis- 
sioners on Uniform State Laws in coopera- 
tion with the National Child Labor Com- 
mittee. This uniform law proposed a mini- 
mum working age of 14; specified the condi- 
tions under which children of 14 to 16 years 
could work; and regulated night work, weekly 
hours, and employment in dangerous occupa- 
tions for males under 1 8 and females under 2 1 . 

For a time there were extensive efforts to 
secure federal legislation. In 19 16 a law 
was passed forbidding the shipment in inter- 
state commerce of goods in the production 
of which child labor was used; i.e., the em- 
ployment of children under 16 in mines, 
under 14 in manufacturing establishments, 
or under 16 for more than 8 hours a day, 6 
days and 48 hours a week, or at night. The 
law was enforced by the federal Children's 
Bureau. In 1918 this law was declared 
unconstitutional by the United States Su- 
preme Court. A second law was included in 
the Revenue Act of 19 19. It placed a tax 
upon the net profits of any establishment in 
which child labor (defined in the same way 
as before) was used. The law was adminis- 
tered by the Bureau of Internal Revenue. 
It was declared unconstitutional in 1922. 
In 1924 a constitutional amendment was 
passed by Congress giving the federal gov- 
ernment power to legislate on child labor. 
This amendment has been ratified to date in 
only five of the necessary 36 states and by 
one house only in three others. 



63 



Child Labor 



Gradual progress in state legislation has 
been reflected in the decreasing number of 
children employed. Excluding the large 
group in agricultural work, for which census 
figures are not entirely comparable, the per- 
centage of children of 10 to 15 years, in- 
clusive, gainfully employed decreased from 
7.1 in 1900 to 3.3 in 1920, the rapid de- 
crease being for those 10 to 13 years old. 
For all occupations including agriculture, the 
census of 1920 reported over 1,000,000 chil- 
dren between 10 and 15 years inclusive, or 
one out of every 12, gainfully employed, more 
than one-third being under 14 years. These 
figures do not include children under 10 
years, of whom there are many thousands 
in industrialized agriculture, as well as in 
street trades, tenement home work, domestic 
service, and canneries. Although taken in 
January, when agricultural work is at its 
lowest ebb, the census of 1920 showed 
647,309 children, or 61 per cent of the total, 
engaged in agriculture; manufacturing and 
mechanical industries employed 185,337 
children; clerical occupations, 80, 140; trade, 
63,368; domestic and personal service, 
54,006; transportation, 18,912; extraction 
of minerals, 7,191; and other occupations, 
4,595. Further decreases in the number of 
children under 14 in industrial employment 
have probably resulted since 1920 from 
changes in state child labor and school 
attendance laws. Incomplete reports as to 
work permits, published by the federal Chil- 
dren's Bureau, suggest that there has not 
been so great a reduction for 14-year-old 
and 15-year-old children. 

Fourteen years has come to be accepted 
by most states as the minimum age for in- 
dustrial employment; in a few states the 
minimum is 15 or 16 years. Most states 
require the completion of a specified grade 
before children under 16 may legally leave 
school to work. School attendance is com- 
pulsory in every state up to 14 years, in the 
majority of cases up to 15 or 16 years, and 
in a few until 18; but in some states the 
period of attendance is very short. In more 
than half the states there are continuation 



schools for employed children under 16 or 
18 years, attendance usually being compul- 
sory. Limitation of working hours for chil- 
dren under 16 is almost universal, the ma- 
jority of state laws fixing an 8-hour day and 
48-hour week; four states are above and 
perhaps 12 below this standard. Night 
work is restricted in most states for children 
under 16, and in some states under 18 years. 
Prohibitions against employing children 
under 16 years in dangerous trades are mak- 
ing headway, although minors between 16 
and 18 years have little protection except as 
to night messenger work. Seven states now 
require extra compensation to be paid by the 
employer to children injured. 

Developments and Events, igig. One new 
public agency was established in this field — a 
Bureau for Women and Children in the New 
Jersey Department of Labor. The National 
Child Labor Committee held its annual con- 
ference in San Francisco in June on the sub- 
ject of migratory child workers, and ob- 
served the twenty-fifth anniversary of its 
founding by a two-day conference in New 
York in December. The New York Child 
Labor Committee sponsored three regional 
conferences. The federal Children's Bureau 
had five studies in progress relating respec- 
tively to workmen's compensation laws as 
they affect injured minors; the employment 
histories of minors attending continuation 
schools in Milwaukee; child labor in New 
Jersey; children in fruit and vegetable 
canneries; and the work histories of minors 
of subnormal mentality. The National 
Child Labor Committee, in cooperation with 
local agencies, published reports of investi- 
gations of child workers in Oklahoma, two 
Connecticut towns, and the Arkansas Valley 
of Colorado, and began a study of the ad- 
ministration of the Ohio child labor and com- 
pulsory school attendance laws. The Massa- 
chusetts Child Labor Committee undertook 
a study of industrial accidents to minors. 
The New York State Department of Labor 
inaugurated a study of double compensation 
awards to injured minors; a study of child 



64 



Child Protection 



labor in the cotton fields was being made by 
the State Bureau of Child Welfare of New 
Mexico; and the United States Office of 
Education included compulsory attendance 
and child labor laws in a general secondary 
school survey. The Maryland Department 
of Labor and Statistics published studies of 
the Mentally and Educationally Retarded 
Child Laborer; Berry and Vegetable Pickers 
in Maryland Fields; and Child Labor in 
Vegetable Canneries in Maryland. 

Legislation, igig. The legislative season, 
with 44 legislatures in regular session, saw 
the introduction of 123 bills in 37 states 
directly or indirectly relating to child labor, 
but the majority of these were defeated. 
Among the few legislative advances made 
were an entire revision of the child labor law 
of Missouri (S. 469); and an increase in the 
educational requirement for work permits in 
Illinois (S. 244) from the sixth to completion 
of the eighth grade, and in Maryland (Ch. 
491) from the fifth grade to completion of the 
elementary course; also the creation of a 
commission in Massachusetts (Ch. 49) to 
consider raising child labor standards. Cali- 
fornia (Ch. 187) amended its continuation 
school law and also (Ch. 546) remedied a 
defect in the minimum age law by specific- 
ally including children under school age in 
the prohibitions. New Jersey, Oklahoma, 
Pennsylvania, Texas, Indiana, Michigan, 
Minnesota, and Utah also passed laws affect- 
ing child labor or school attendance in some 
respects. Bills reducing hours of work, 
raising educational requirements, awarding 
extra compensation to minors injured in 
illegal employment, and on other related 
subjects were defeated in 21 states. The 
federal child labor amendment was con- 
sidered but not ratified by the following 
states: Colorado, Connecticut, Kansas, 
Nebraska, Nevada, New York, Oregon, and 
Utah. 

Consult: Abbott, Edith: "A Study of the Early 
History of Child Labor in America," in Amer- 
ican journal of Sociology, July, 1908; Loughran, 
Miriam E.: Historical Development of Child Labor 



Legislation in the United States (Catholic Univer- 
sity of America, Washington, D. C), 192 1; Fuller, 
Raymond G.: The Meaning of Child Labor, 1922; 
Johnsen, Julia E., compiler. Selected Articles on 
Child Labor, 1925 (a handbook for debaters); 
National Child Labor Committee: Child Labor 
Facts (an analysis by states, revised with bibliog- 
raphy for each state), 1930, The Doctor Looks at 
Child Labor, 1929, and Child Labor Selected Bib- 
liography, 1 920- 1 927; and Children's Bureau, 
United States Department of Labor: Children in 
Agriculture, 1929, Child Workers on City Streets, 
1929, Child Labor in New Jersey (Part 1, Employ- 
ment of School Children), 1929, and State Laws 
and Local Ordinances Regulating the Street Work of 
Children, 1929. 

Wiley H. Swift 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 581. 



CHILD MARRIAGE. 
Laws. 



See Marriage 



CHILD PROTECTION is a specialized 
service in behalf of children suffering from 
cruelty or abuse; or whose physical, mental, 
or moral welfare is endangered through the 
neglect of their parents or custodians; or 
whose rights or welfare are violated or 
threatened. This service is rendered by 
societies for the prevention of cruelty to 
children, humane societies dealing with both 
animals and children, protective departments 
attached to other private or public agencies, 
and independent protective associations or 
children's aid societies. The children who 
are taken in care by such agencies are chiefly 
those who are suffering from cruelty, physi- 
cal, medical, or moral neglect, desertion, non- 
support, or abandonment; children who have 
defects of mind or body and are not receiving 
the special care they need on that account, 
or who are victims of exploitation or of viola- 
tions of chastity; and also children who pre- 
sent the special problems connected with 
birth out of wedlock. 

History and Present Status. The first humane 
legislation in history was the Martin Act in 
England (1822) which was designed to pro- 



65 



Child Protection 



tect cattle. For the purpose of securing 
enforcement of this law, the Society for the 
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals was organ- 
ized two years later. In 1866 the first Amer- 
ican Society for the Prevention of Cruelty 
to Animals was established in New York 
City, and the interest aroused in officials of 
this society by their successful prosecution 
of the offender against a cruelly abused girl, 
Mary Ellen, and the rescue of the latter with 
the consequent discovery of other children 
in need of protection, resulted in the organ- 
ization of the first American Society for the 
Prevention of Cruelty to Children in New 
York City in 1874. Other similar societies 
soon sprang into existence, while humane 
societies already organized to protect ani- 
mals expanded their work to include child 
protection. The work of such agencies was 
legalistic in character, emphasizing rescue 
work and the punishment of offenders, and 
depending almost entirely upon police 
methods. The majority of agents were duly 
constituted officers of the law and wore a 
police badge. Massachusetts was the first 
to advance beyond this position. In 1907 
the police badge was discarded for the most 
part and case work methods were first 
applied. By the first of July, 1908, three col- 
lege graduates who had studied psychology 
and two women to supervise in girl cases 
and to act as supervisors were employed. 
The efficiency of these agents began to be 
measured, not so much by the number of 
court cases and successful prosecutions, but 
by the number of rehabilitations brought 
about by means of which children remained 
in their own homes. 

Although the rank and file of societies for 
the prevention of cruelty to children have 
persisted in the traditional manner, a few 
have followed the example of Massachu- 
setts. The outstanding characteristics of 
their work are: the employment of trained 
workers; use of the court as a last resort, 
and even then not so much for punitive pur- 
poses as for an aid in treatment; use of medi- 
cal and psychiatric clinics; preparation of 
social investigations and histories for the 



use of courts, as in cases of adoption and non- 
support; team-work with other agencies; 
use of the sympathetic approach as against 
the "big stick" method; the effort to see 
beyond parental culpability, and to recog- 
nize ignorance and incompetency as causes; 
the promotion of prevention of neglect by 
combined efforts to improve community 
conditions and by social legislation. 

The number of societies for the prevention 
of cruelty to children is decreasing, and it is 
doubtful whether any new ones will be 
formed. In 1922 there were 57 such societies, 
while in 1929 there were but 48. There has 
been a slight increase, however, in the num- 
ber of humane societies which combine the 
work for children with that for animals, the 
number in 1922 being 307 and in 1929,, 319. 
In the majority of these societies the work 
for children is negligible as compared with 
that for animals. 

Other private agencies active in the field 
of child protection are the juvenile or girls' 
protective associations now to be found in a 
number of cities. In general these agencies 
concern themselves primarily with the dis- 
covery and correction of community condi- 
tions that make for juvenile delinquency, 
but they also prosecute in cases of indi- 
vidual children who have been abused or 
neglected. The Division of Protective Meas- 
ures of the American Social Hygiene Asso- 
ciation promotes activities of this type. 
Agencies which deal with unmarried mothers 
often have to protect children of such 
mothers— and not infrequently the mothers 
themselves— from cruelty or exploitation. 
See Girls' Protective Work and Children 
Born Out of Wedlock. 

In still another group are the associations 
of Big Brothers and Big Sisters, now feder- 
ated in a national organization, which en- 
deavor by means of individual and personal 
effort to keep boys and girls from becoming 
delinquent. Through public schools, social 
settlements, juvenile courts, and other social 
agencies children are referred to them who 
seem likely to become delinquent unless 
something is done. Treatment consists of 



66 



Child Protection 



careful study of the individual child, selec- 
tion of an adult fitted to act as his friend and 
mentor and willing to accept the responsi- 
bility, the introduction of child and adult, 
and thereafter such friendly services and 
efforts to improve the child's environment 
and attitude as the adult can contribute. 
Ideally this adult, although he serves as a 
volunteer, is given some training and must 
carry on his work under the supervision of a 
case worker. In February, 1930, there were 
14,072 adults acting as big brothers or big 
sisters to 43,186 children. 

Public agencies for child protection in- 
clude the federal Children's Bureau, whose 
services in this field have consisted of re- 
search, the calling of conferences, and the 
formulation of standards of child welfare; 
the state children's bureaus or departments 
of child welfare, which are, in most states, 
directly charged with the responsibility of 
protecting children against neglect or cruelty, 
with particular attention, often, to illegiti- 
mate children; county or municipal boards 
of child welfare or boards of children's 
guardians; probation officers attached to 
county or city juvenile courts, who, in some 
places, carry on a good deal of preventive 
and protective work; and finally the police 
force, both men and women but especially 
the latter, who, in degrees which depend 
upon the amount of social work, training 
which they possess, not only protect children 
from the more obvious forms of abuse or 
exploitation but also combat those forces in 
the community which are more subtly in- 
jurious to the morals of youth. See Police- 
women. 

Leaders in the field of child protection now 
generally agree that such work should be- 
come a public function and be made a part 
of a state-wide program with county units 
under state supervision or control. The 
best examples of such public organizations 
are those of Minnesota, North Carolina, 
Missouri, and Alabama. All the state child 
welfare commissions have studied the laws 
relating to child protection and have in- 
cluded in their recommendations suggestions 



for combining activities in this field with 
those of other public agencies. See Chil- 
dren's Code Commissions. 

Developments and Events, igig. During the 
year Wyoming abolished its State Commis- 
sion of Child and Animal Protection, and 
gave to the Wyoming State Board of Chari- 
ties and Reform the responsibility for en- 
forcing laws for the protection of children; 
the Rochester Society for the Prevention of 
Cruelty to Children considerably extended 
its child placing activities because the chil- 
dren's court adopted the plan of placing 
neglected children in foster homes instead of 
committing them to institutions; and the 
Board of Children's Guardians of St. Louis 
employed a new officer to undertake pre- 
ventive work. 

Legislation, 192Q. New York (Ch. 684), 
carnal abuse of girls between 10 and 16 years 
of age by a male person 18 years old or over 
made a felony on second offense; Vermont 
(No. 51), age of consent raised from 14 to 16; 
Wisconsin (Ch. 439), jurisdiction of juvenile 
court in neglect cases raised from 16 to 18; 
North Dakota (Ch. 1 13), juvenile court given 
continuing jurisdiction over neglect cases 
until 21. Maine (Ch. 64) provides that com- 
plaints in cases of neglect may be signed only 
by specified public officials or members of 
municipal boards or by three citizens; 10 
days' notice must be given before hearing. 
Consult: Carstens, C. C: "The Development of 
Social Work for Child Protection," in Annals of 
the American Academy, November, 1921, and 
"Child Welfare Work Since the White House 
Conference," in Proceedings of the National 
Conference of Social Work, 1927; Child Wel- 
fare League of America: Detailed Standards of 
Children's Aid Organisations, 1929; Children's Bu- 
reau, United States Department of Labor: Stan- 
dards of Child Welfare, 19 19; Coleman, Sydney 
H.: Humane Society Leaders in America, 1924; 
and McCrea, Roswell C: The Humane Movement, 
1910. 

Ray S. Hubbard 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 581. 



67 



Child Welfare 



CHILD STUDY. See Parent Education. 

CHILD WELFARE. Used broadly, the 
term "child welfare" applies to all activities 
which promote the well-being of children. 
Thus, most state commissions for the study 
and revision of child welfare laws have dealt 
with all legislation which relates to chil- 
dren, although the statutes which concern 
handicapped children have usually been 
given first attention. See Children's Code 
Commissions. In its narrower meaning, 
child welfare is usually restricted, in the 
United States, to work for this latter group 
— those who are handicapped socially, phys- 
ically, mentally, or emotionally. The classes 
of children most frequently specified by laws 
are the dependent, destitute, delinquent, 
neglected, incorrigible, wayward, truant, 
illegitimate, mentally defective or feeble- 
minded, crippled, physically handicapped, or 
children in need of special care. In this 
article these classes are combined into five 
major groups— the dependent, the neglected, 
the delinquent, the physically handicapped, 
and the mentally defective. 

Dependent Children are those who have lost 
one or both parents, or whose parents or 
guardians are unable to support them, or 
have surrendered them legally or informally 
to a social agency, public or private. Care 
may be provided for such children in their 
own homes, either by general family welfare 
agencies or relief societies, or by agencies 
which administer mothers' aid laws, or by 
other agencies, public or private, which give 
aid to families in their own homes. In addi- 
tion, day nurseries provide day care for the 
young children of certain employed mothers. 
See Family Welfare Societies; Relief 
Societies; Public Agencies for Needy 
Families; Public Welfare, State Agen- 
cies; Public Welfare, Local Agencies; 
Dependent and Neglected Children; 
Mothers' Aid; Business Men's Service 
Clubs; and Day Nurseries. 

Dependent children may be cared for 
outside of their homes in specially designed 
institutions, or by organizations (and occa- 



sionally by child-caring institutions also) 
which provide foster homes where their wards 
can be placed with compensation or for free 
care or for adoption. See Dependent and 
Neglected Children and Adoption. For 
the care and placement of children of unmar- 
ried mothers see Children Born Out of 
Wedlock. In most states the juvenile court 
has jurisdiction in the commitment of depen- 
dent children. Elsewhere state or local 
boards have this power. State boards usually 
are given authority to license and supervise 
child-caring institutions and agencies. See 
Juvenile Courts and Probation; Domes- 
tic Relations Courts; Public Welfare, 
State Agencies; and Public Welfare, 
Local Agencies. 

Neglected Children are those who are suffering 
from abuse or whose parents or guardians, 
although able to do so, fail to give them the 
proper care. Such agencies as juvenile 
courts, societies for the prevention of cruelty 
to children, humane societies, juvenile pro- 
tective associations, and children's aid socie- 
ties assume responsibility not only for the 
care of such children, but also for the prose- 
cution of any adults who are directly re- 
sponsible for the neglect. See Child Pro- 
tection. Progressive organizations in this 
field, instead of immediately removing the 
child from the home, seek to improve the 
home. In some such cases the parent is 
placed on probation. See Adult Proba- 
tion. If the child has to be removed from an 
unfit home he is treated as a dependent child. 

Delinquent Children are those who have 
violated some public law or ordinance, or 
are considered to be in moral danger because 
of their behavior. Modern procedure centers 
upon the child and the causes of the behavior 
rather than upon the behavior itself. In all 
but two states juvenile courts have been 
created with jurisdiction over juvenile de- 
linquents. See Juvenile Courts and Pro- 
bation and Psychiatric Clinics for Chil- 
dren. If it seems best for the children, the 
court may place them on probation or com- 
mit them to institutions. See Delinquent 



68 



Child Welfare 



Boys, Institution Care, and Delinquent 
Girls, Institution Care. Occasionally de- 
linquent children are placed out in private 
family homes. See Delinquent Children, 
Foster Home Care. 

Detention Homes. Pending final disposition 
by a juvenile court, children may be held 
in a detention home controlled either by the 
court or by some private agency, or may be 
placed in family homes for temporary care. 
See Detention Homes; Delinquent Chil- 
dren, Foster Home Care, and Depen- 
dent and Neglected Children. 

Preventive Work for Children. This term 
applies to organized activities for the pre- 
vention of dependency, neglect, or delin- 
quency among children. Basic to sound 
progress in all such activities is scientific 
research into the various aspects of child 
life at different periods, supplemented by 
efforts to make the findings of science of 
practical use to parents. See Child De- 
velopment Research and Parent Educa- 
tion. What are in effect laboratories for re- 
search and demonstration in the field of child 
development are provided by most nursery 
schools and by many of the so-called "pro- 
gressive schools." See Nursery Schools 
and Progressive Education. The infor- 
mation obtained through these different 
means is of great value to workers in the 
field of child welfare. 

Many public schools now offer special 
services which fall definitely within the field 
of preventive work. See Visiting Teach- 
ers, Psychiatric Clinics for Children, 
and Compulsory Education. Agencies 
in these fields concern themselves with chil- 
dren as individuals, and in varying degrees 
use case work methods in order to eliminate 
personal, family, and community maladjust- 
ments before their influence becomes harm- 
ful. See Social Case Work. Vocational 
guidance workers, both within and outside 
the public school system, try to keep chil- 
dren from entering ill-advised or dangerous 
occupations by assisting them in selecting 
and preparing for a vocation, and in some 



instances by carrying on placement work. 
See Vocational Guidance. Other organ- 
izations, usually public, serve as juvenile 
employment agencies only. See Employ- 
ment Agencies. Child labor committees 
rely chiefly on publicity and legislative re- 
form to safeguard the educational rights of 
children and afford them protection, phys- 
ical and moral, during their first years in 
gainful employment. See Child Labor. 

Agencies which function more directly in 
the field of prevention are those like the ju- 
venile protective associations and the social 
hygiene societies. The former specialize in 
the discovery and elimination of community 
conditions which make wrong-doing easy or 
attractive. The latter promote sex educa- 
tion and other preventive measures. See 
Child Protection, Social Hygiene, and 
Policewomen. Two related activities car- 
ried on by the Big Brother and Big Sister 
organizations serve boys and girls brought 
before juvenile courts and others known to 
need a wise friend by providing them with 
the companionship and guidance of socially 
minded adults, usually serving as volunteers 
under the supervision of trained workers. 
See Child Protection. For other agencies 
which are basically preventive in character 
see Child Hygiene and Recreation and 
the related articles to which they refer; also 
Character Education. 

Physically Handicapped Children. For the 
care of children with physical handicaps and 
for methods of preventing the development 
of handicaps see the Blind; Blindness, 
Prevention of; the Deaf; the Hard of 
Hearing; Crippled Children; Speech 
Disorders; Tuberculosis; Heart Dis- 
ease; School Hygiene; Nutrition Work 
for Children; Mouth Hygiene, and Ma- 
ternal and Infant Hygiene. 

Mentally Defective Children. For the care of 
mentally defective children see Mental 
Deficiency. 

Public Systems of Child Care and Child Pro- 
tection. For federal activities in the child 
welfare field see Child Welfare Activi- 



69 



Child Welfare Activities of the Federal Government 



TIES OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. For 

state, county, or municipal activities see 
Public Welfare, State Agencies, and 
Public Welfare, Local Agencies. 

Child Welfare Standards. Standards of child 
welfare have been formulated from time to 
time in different fields of child care by dif- 
ferent agencies or individuals. The most 
complete and authoritative statement of 
such standards was published in 1919 by 
the President's Conference on Child Wel- 
fare, held under the auspices of the federal 
Children's Bureau. It is expected that these 
standards will be restated and amplified in 
1930 by the group participating in the White 
House Conference on Child Health and Pro- 
tection. See its listing in Part II. 

Training for Child Welfare Work and Na- 
tional Agencies in the Field. For a discussion 
of training in this field see Education for 
Social Work and the articles on the several 
types of child welfare work mentioned 
earlier in this article. For the national agen- 
cies which operate in the different fields see 
National Agencies, Classified, on page 
581. Agencies of influence in the field as a 
whole are: Children's Bureau, United States 
Department of Labor; Child Welfare League 
of America; the White House Conference on 
Child Health and Protection; and the Inter- 
national Institute for the Protection of 
Childhood. 

Mabel B. Ellis 

CHILD WELFARE ACTIVITIES OF 
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. Effec- 
tive federal interest in the special problems 
of child life dates from the creation of the 
Children's Bureau by act of Congress in 
1912, after years of effort on the part of 
many groups. By the law approved April 9, 
1912, the Bureau was directed to investigate 
and report "upon all matters pertaining to 
the welfare of children and child life among 
all classes of our people." Scientific research 
with popular education and demonstration 
have been its chief functions, though under 
the terms of two special acts it has also co- 



operated with the states in certain adminis- 
trative activities. 

Under the direction of Julia C. Lathrop, 
the first chief of the Bureau, who served until 
1 92 1 ,and that of her successor, Grace Abbott, 
over 200 investigations have been made in 
45 states, the District of Columbia, and Porto 
Rico, and the results presented in 195 bul- 
letins. Besides research in the field, the 
Bureau has compiled and analyzed in tabular 
form the laws relating to child labor, juvenile 
courts, illegitimacy, sex offenses against chil- 
dren, mothers' pensions, interstate placement 
of children, and adoption; and has actively 
cooperated with child welfare and children's 
code commissions in the work of revising 
state laws. Baby-week campaigns, the use 
of a Child-Welfare Special in rural regions, a 
nation-wide celebration of Children's Year 
to protect children in wartime, exhibits, radio 
talks, motion pictures, and popular pamphlets 
on the care and training of young children 
have been some of the methods used in popu- 
lar education. One very important method 
of work has been through conferences with 
public and private child-caring agencies at 
which standards have been worked out to 
serve as goals for local endeavor. 

The investigations of the Children's Bu- 
reau fall into three main groups: maternal 
and infant welfare, including the health and 
training of the preschool child; the care of 
special groups of children handicapped by 
physical or mental defects or through de- 
linquency, dependency, or neglect; and 
problems relating to the child in industry. 
Field studies to determine the causes of the 
existing high rate of infant mortality were 
carried on in both industrial and rural com- 
munities, and these, particularly in rural 
communities, gave special attention to the 
sort of care provided for mothers during preg- 
nancy and at childbirth. A statistical study 
made by the Bureau also showed an exces- 
sively high maternal mortality. As a result 
of these studies efforts were made to secure 
the application of the principle of federal aid 
as a basis of national and state cooperation in 
reducing the high death rate of mothers and 



70 



Child Welfare Activities of the Federal Government 



babies. The Sheppard-Towner Act for the 
promotion of the welfare and hygiene of ma- 
ternity and infancy, which became law on 
November 23, 1921, authorized an annual 
appropriation of $1,240,000 for a five-year 
period, later extended by two years, to be dis- 
tributed to the states according to a definite 
principle. A special board was created to ap- 
prove or disapprove state plans, but the na- 
tional administration of the act was placed in 
the Children's Bureau. The great stimulus to 
state work and the remarkable results ac- 
complished are described in the article on 
Maternal and Infant Hygiene. A de- 
tailed account of the administration of the 
act, which ceased to operate on June 30, 1929, 
is given in the annual reports made by the 
Children's Bureau and the proceedings of 
the annual conferences of state directors. 
Bills to continue the purpose of the Sheppard- 
Towner Act in slightly different form were 
pending in Congress at the end of 1929. In 
addition to the maternity and infancy act, 
the Children's Bureau had administrative re- 
sponsibility for the first federal child labor law, 
from September, 191 7, to June, 191 8, when the 
law was declared unconstitutional by the 
United States Supreme Court. A report on 
the administration of that act was printed as 
Publication No. 78 in the Bureau's series. 

Other investigations include studies of 
juvenile delinquency and juvenile and do- 
mestic relations courts, illegitimacy as a 
problem in child welfare, social aspects of 
mental defect, methods of administering 
mothers' pensions laws, and the care of de- 
pendent children. As the result of confer- 
ences held in 1921-1923, standards governing 
juvenile court work were formulated and pub- 
lished, and a plan for the uniform recording 
of juvenile court statistics was worked out, 
under which 65 courts reported statistics of 
delinquency during the year 1928. In the 
field of child labor the most important studies 
relate to industrial home work of children, 
children in street trades, child labor and the 
work of mothers in oyster and shrimp canning 
communities on the Gulf Coast, child labor 
in coal-mining areas, and accidents to work- 



ing children; in addition to a series of studies 
of rural child labor in sugar-beet and tobacco 
fields, at cotton picking, in truck gardening 
in the East, in the corn and wheat belt, and 
in fruit and hop-picking on the Pacific Coast. 
A study of vocational guidance and place- 
ment in 12 cities was made in cooperation 
with the Junior Division of the United States 
Employment Service. 

During 1929 the Bureau made an investi- 
gation of every registered maternal death 
during the calendar years 1927 and 1928 in 
13 states. The collection of data for a study 
of the causes of neo-natal morbidity and 
mortality, made in cooperation with the Yale 
School of Medicine, was continued, as was 
also a statistical analysis of the material col- 
lected in the studies of rickets in New Haven 
and Porto Rico. Field work was completed 
on a survey of juvenile delinquency in Maine 
and on a study of the activities and functions 
of the Children's Bureau of the Minnesota 
State Board of Control, undertaken at the 
request of the State Board. Progress was 
also made in the general survey of the work 
of state departments or boards concerned 
with handicapped children in 10 representa- 
tive states. Of especial interest among the 
publications issued was the first report on 
juvenile court statistics under the new plan 
of uniform reporting. The industrial inves- 
tigations covered home and community con- 
ditions affecting children of railroad mainte- 
nance-of-way employes, and workmen's com- 
pensation laws as they affect injured minors. 
The Bureau's specialist in recreation devoted 
much time during the year to the problem of 
recreation among rural children in coopera- 
tion with the extension divisions of the 
federal and state departments of agriculture, 
which are promoting a broader program for 
the "4-H Clubs" for farm boys and girls. 
In February, 1929, a three-day conference, 
limited to representatives of state depart- 
ments of public welfare, was held at the Chil- 
dren's Bureau, attended by delegates from 
32 states. The entire time of the sessions 
was devoted to discussions of dependency 
and child protection. 



71 



Child Welfare Activities of the Federal Government 



The outstanding achievement of the Chil- 
dren's Bureau has been in furnishing a unified 
approach to the problems of child life. Its 
work has contributed very greatly to the 
marked advances in legislation and in stan- 
dards in child welfare made in the United 
States in the last two decades. When estab- 
lished in 191 2 it was the first public agency of 
the sort to be created. Among the govern- 
ments which have since followed the example 
of the United States are Argentina, Belgium, 
Brazil, Chile, Czechoslovakia, Germany, 
Italy, Mexico, Peru, Russia, and Yugo- 
slavia. Child welfare has also become an 
international interest in the organization in 
the League of Nations of an Advisory Com- 
mission for the Protection and Welfare of 
Children and Young People, on which the 
Chief of the Children's Bureau serves in a 
consultative capacity as the American mem- 
ber. In the Pan-American countries an 
American International Institute for the 
Protection of Childhood has been organized 
with headquarters in Montevideo. To its 
support Congress in 1928 authorized an 
annual subvention of $2,000. The assistant 
to the Chief of the Children's Bureau has 
been designated as the United States mem- 
ber of the Council of the Institute. 

Besides the Children's Bureau several 
other governmental agencies are concerned 
with special phases of child welfare. Indian 
children in the United States are under the 
direct care of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. 
To remedy in part the deplorable conditions 
revealed by the report of the Institute for 
Government Research, published in 1928, a 
more adequate dietary and clothing budget 
for children in Indian schools has been estab- 
lished with the cooperation of experts from 
the Bureau of Home Economics, the Chil- 
dren's Bureau, and the Public Health Ser- 
vice. An emergency appropriation to put 
this minimum budget into effect immediately 
was recommended to Congress by President 
Hoover in December, 1929. 

Another group of children are under the 
jurisdiction of the United States Department 
of Justice. These are child offenders against 



federal laws. Such children are brought 
before federal courts in which none of the 
safeguards of juvenile court procedure is 
available. A study made by the Children's 
Bureau of the methods of dealing with chil- 
dren who have violated federal laws (Pub- 
lication No. 103, 1922) revealed the great 
need of better methods of caring for this 
group. The development of a definite system 
by which specified types of federal cases in- 
volving children would be referred to state 
courts — one of the recommendations of the 
Children's Bureau report — has not yet come 
before Congress as a legislative proposal. 

The oldest of the federal bureaus concerned 
with problems of child health is the United 
States Public Health Service, which had its 
beginning in the Marine Hospital Service, 
created in 1798. The main emphasis of its 
work has been on the improvement of general 
public health, but special studies have cov- 
ered sanitary conditions of schools in certain 
localities, mental and physical examinations 
of school children, growth and physical 
development, vision, and mouth hygiene. 
The 1929 investigations included a study of 
the relation between the mental and physical 
status of children in two counties of Illinois 
and a statistical analysis of the data avail- 
able on Negro infant mortality. The Bureau 
of Home Economics of the Agriculture De- 
partment, in its general studies of the prob- 
lems of the home, has issued leaflets on food 
and clothing for young children. 

The Office of Education, known until 
recently as the Bureau of Education, came 
into existence in 1867. For many years its 
main interest was in the organization and 
management of schools and school systems 
and methods of teaching. In recent years, 
however, attention has been given to the 
health of school children and to the handling 
of problem children within the school system. 
Some of the bulletins of the Bureau since 
1 91 2 have related to the following subjects: 
physical growth and school progress, health 
of the school child, eyesight of school chil- 
dren, open air schools, truant problems and 
parental schools, vocational guidance and 



72 



Children Born Out of Wedlock 



the public schools, the visiting teacher, 
public school classes for crippled children, 
education of the deaf, and diagnosis and 
treatment of young school failures. Recent 
issues of the Biennial Survey of Education 
have included statistics of schools and classes 
for the blind and deaf and the feeble-minded, 
and of industrial schools for delinquents. 
Publications issued in 1929 include a digest 
of legislation for the education of crippled 
children, and a report on physical defects of 
school children. The principle of federal aid 
has been applied also in the field of education 
in the grants made to the states since 191 7 
for the promotion of vocational education, 
administered by the federal Board for Voca- 
tional Education. 

An important event of the year 1929 in 
federal child welfare was the appointment by 
President Hoover of the White House Con- 
ference on Child Health and Protection. 
Under the chairmanship of the Secretary of 
the Interior, Ray Lyman Wilbur, four gen- 
eral sections, with 17 committees, embracing 
a total membership of about 700 specialists, 
are gathering data on the present condition of 
the health and well-being of children in the 
United States, in preparation for a conference 
which is to be held late in 1930. See the list- 
ing of the Conference in Part II. A nation- 
wide study of juvenile delinquency is to be 
made under the joint auspices of the National 
Commission on Law Observance and Enforce- 
ment and the White House Conference on 
Child Health and Protection. 

Consult: Lists of publications, furnished upon 
request, of the United States Children's Bureau, 
the Public Health Service, and the Office of Educa- 
tion. The most important of these publications 
are listed in this volume under the topics which 
they concern. 

Laura A. Thompson 

For related articles see Topical Articles, Clas- 
sified, on page 19. For national agencies in this 
field see National Agencies, Classified, on page 
581. 

CHILD WELFARE COMMISSIONS OR 
LEGISLATION. See Children's Code 
Commissions. 



CHILDREN BORN OUT OF WEDLOCK 

add largely to the work of all health and 
social agencies which deal with dependent, 
neglected, and delinquent children. Their 
death rate in infancy is higher than that of 
other babies because illegitimate infants are 
more likely to be separated early from their 
mothers. The social significance of birth 
out of wedlock is far reaching and is re- 
flected in the factors which bring so many of 
these children to the care of private and pub- 
lic agencies. The fundamental right to 
normal home life with their parents is denied 
many such children. For economic and 
social reasons they are often moved from one 
caretaker to another. Efforts to conceal 
their parentage and status occasion emo- 
tional conflict; feelings of insecurity and 
inferiority develop, which sometimes lead 
to behavior difficulties. The youth and low 
earning capacity of most of the mothers and 
the fact that comparatively few fathers 
contribute to the support of the child, even 
if they have acknowledged paternity, in- 
crease the difficulties of this situation. 

These social and health handicaps of chil- 
dren born out of wedlock are well recognized, 
but because of the general incompleteness of 
birth registration, and the greater incom- 
pleteness—for obvious reasons— in the regis- 
tration of illegitimate births, the total num- 
ber of children in the group can be stated 
only approximately. The Bureau of the 
Census shows 63,942 illegitimate births in 
1928, but that figure includes no information 
from California, Massachusetts, New Mexico, 
Nevada, South Dakota, and Texas. 

History and Present Status. The first organ- 
ized efforts for the protection of children 
born out of wedlock— the foundling homes of 
the Middle Ages— date from an era when the 
lives of many infants were in jeopardy. Such 
homes were succeeded by almshouses in 
England and the American colonies. Later, 
because of dissatisfaction over the indis- 
criminate grouping in almshouses, church 
groups established maternity homes to 
provide medical care and social assistance 



73 



Children Born Out of Wedlock 



for both mothers and children. Social case 
work has demonstrated the value of indi- 
vidualized treatment, and now much of the 
earlier institutional program is carried on 
by agencies in the fields of family and child 
welfare. Laws and ordinances governing 
early separation of mother and baby, state 
supervision of institutions and agencies, 
better laws and machinery for establishing 
paternal responsibility, and extension of the 
benefits of private and public funds for relief 
to include unmarried mothers have all con- 
tributed to the success of the movement. 

The United States Children's Bureau has 
promoted interest in these measures through 
research, publications, and assistance to local 
and national groups. Local organizations 
in this field include not only maternity homes 
and other social agencies, but also local "con- 
ferences on illegitimacy." These are repre- 
sentative bodies including most or all of the 
case working agencies in a community which 
deal with the problem of unmarried mothers 
and their children. Such conferences exist 
in eight cities. They are united in an inter- 
city conference and have sponsored stan- 
dardization of case work and other projects. 
The Standards for Child Welfare published by 
the United States Children's Bureau in 1919 
includes a special reference to children born 
out of wedlock. Standards of legal protec- 
tion were formulated at conferences called 
in 1920 by the Bureau at the request of the 
Inter-City Conference on Illegitimacy; and 
a uniform illegitimacy act, drafted by the 
National Conference of Commissioners on 
Uniform State Laws at the request of the 
Children's Bureau, was approved by that 
conference in 1922 and recommended to the 
states for adoption. Seven states have 
adopted it with some modification: New 
Mexico, North Dakota, South Dakota, Ne- 
vada, Iowa, Wyoming, and Wisconsin. 

Developments and Events, igig. Reports 
received from some 20 cities suggest the 
trends of the year in this field. Improved 
case work and extended service were re- 
ported in six of these cities. In a few cases 



maternity homes began the practice of using 
other agencies for their needed case work and 
in four cities such homes were closed or had 
decreased service during the year. A home 
in another city arranged for outside care of 
its infected patients, and in still another a 
cottage was opened for the care of mothers 
with nursing babies. In other places foster 
homes were much more widely used during 
the year for this purpose. The reports indi- 
cate also that paternal responsibility was 
established in a greater number of cases than 
previously, and that more babies were kept 
with their mothers. Steps toward the organ- 
ization of conferences on illegitimacy were 
taken in Cincinnati, and carried to comple- 
tion in Louisville and in the State of Con- 
necticut. Two such conference groups form- 
ulated statements of standards: Philadel- 
phia, with reference to policies for maternity 
homes; and Cleveland, with reference to 
prospective adoptive parents. This latter 
statement is used by the probate court and 
by social agencies. A state-wide study of 
adoption was made during the year in Ohio 
by the Child Care Bureau of the State De- 
partment of Public Welfare. The Child 
Welfare League of America studied the 
illegitimacy problem in Cincinnati and 
Hamilton County, under the auspices of the 
Community Chest and the Council of Social 
Agencies, and special attention was given to 
children born out of wedlock in a study of 
child welfare in Pittsburgh and Allegheny 
County, made for the Federation of Social 
Agencies. Some six other cities report sur- 
veys or research projects of less general 
significance. 

Legislation, iq2q. Provisions in the new 
Children's Code of Wisconsin (Ch. 439) con- 
stitute the outstanding legislative achieve- 
ment of the year in service to children born 
out of wedlock. Following the Minnesota 
precedent, Wisconsin now declares it to be 
the duty of the state to protect children born 
out of wedlock and to safeguard their rights. 
The State Board of Control and the county 
children's boards are charged with this re- 



74 



Children's Bureaus 



sponsibility. Changes in the law concerning 
the establishment of paternity provide for 
the issuing of summons instead of warrant; 
for settlements between parents, and for 
private hearings. The child is substituted 
for the mother as complainant if the mother 
has died or is insane or cannot be found; 
the mother's testimony, taken at the pre- 
liminary hearing, may be accepted as evi- 
dence in event of her death; and improved 
provisions are made for support by the 
father. On these points and others the law 
agrees in substance with the uniform illegiti- 
macy act. In addition the code contains 
provisions governing the importation and 
exportation of children, and provision for 
maternity aid. Maternity hospitals— which 
now report to the State Board of Control all 
admissions of unmarried, pregnant women 
and unmarried mothers— are prohibited from 
placing out children or assisting in such 
placement. 

New Jersey passed a law (Ch. 153) pro- 
viding that a child born out of wedlock is 
entitled to support and education from his 
father and mother equally, and that either 
parent or a custodian of the child may insti- 
tute proceedings to enforce support. This law 
substitutes the more modern term, children 
born out of wedlock, for bastards. Mich- 
igan (No. 263) provided for a bond from the 
father to insure payment of an order for 
support. The law governing maternity 
hospitals was amended (No. 289) to trans- 
fer these duties from the State Board of 
Correction and Charities to the State Wel- 
fare Commission. Wyoming enacted a law 
(Ch. 45) embodying the principles of the 
uniform illegitimacy act. In New York the 
law for New York City concerning children 
born out of wedlock was amended (Ch. 434) 
to conform to the state-wide act. Pennsyl- 
vania enacted a law (No. 473) providing for 
licensing and inspection of maternity homes 
by the State Department of Welfare. Utah 
(Ch. 8) repealed its law of 19 19 providing 
for a home for fallen women. Bills relating 
to the support and education of children 
born out of wedlock failed of passage in 



Minnesota, Ohio, West Virginia, Missouri, 
and Connecticut. An adoption law failed 
of passage in Washington. 

Consult: Children's Bureau, United States De- 
partment of Labor: Analysis and Tabular Sum- 
mary of State Laws Relating to Illegitimacy in the 
United States in Effect January 1 , IQ28, and the 
text of selected laws (Chart No. 16); Donahue, 
A. Madorah: Children of Illegitimate Birth Whose 
Mothers Have Kept Their Custody (United States 
Children's Bureau Publication No. 190), 1929; 
Lundberg, Emma O.: Children of Illegitimate 
Birth and Measures for Their Protection (United 
States Children's Bureau Publication No. 166 — ■ 
includes a list of the 14 Children's Bureau's pub- 
lications up to that time relating to illegitimacy), 
1926; Kenworthy, Marion E. : The Mental Hygiene 
Aspects of Illegitimacy (National Committee for 
Mental Hygiene), 192 1; Barrett, Robert S.: Care 
of the Unmarried Mother (a handbook for institu- 
tions and agencies dealing with problems of illegiti- 
macy), 1929; Parker, Ida R.: A Follow-up Study 
of 500 Illegitimacy Applications (Boston Research 
Bureau on Social Case Work), 1924. 

A. Madorah Donahue 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 582. 

CHILDREN OF UNMARRIED MOTH- 
ERS. See Children Born Out of Wed- 
lock. 

CHILDREN'S AID SOCIETIES. See 
Dependent and Neglected Children. 

CHILDREN'S BUREAU, FEDERAL. 
See Child Welfare Activities of the 
Federal Government. 

CHILDREN'S BUREAUS. For the Chil- 
dren's Bureau of the United States Depart- 
ment of Labor, see Child Welfare Activi- 
ties of the Federal Government. For 
state, county or municipal children's bur- 
eaus, see Public Welfare, State Agen- 
cies; Public Welfare, Local Agencies; 
and Maternal and Infant Hygiene. For 
privately supported children's bureaus of 
varying types, see Dependent and Neg- 



75 



Children's Code Commissions 



lected Children; and Delinquent Chil- 
dren, Foster Home Care. 

CHILDREN'S CODE COMMISSIONS. 

Approximately twenty-five years ago the 
confusion and inadequacy of the legislative 
enactments relating to children began to be 
the subject of discussion among social work- 
ers in the United States. The Children's 
Act adopted by the British Parliament in 
1908, and popularly known as the "Chil- 
dren's Charter," while less comprehensive 
than its name implies, served to call atten- 
tion to the importance of a correlated ap- 
proach to the problems of childhood. The 
White House Conference of 1909 also 
emphasized this approach. The first official 
expression of this developing opinion came 
in Ohio when the legislature in 191 1 directed 
the governor to appoint "a commission to 
revise, consolidate, and suggest amendments 
to the statute laws of the state of Ohio which 
pertain to children." The commission was 
directed by the statute to unify laws relating 
to illegitimate, defective, neglected, depen- 
dent, and delinquent children and suggest 
such amendments and additions as seemed 
to them "best calculated to bring the law 
of this state [Ohio] into harmony with the 
best thought on this subject." (Ohio laws, 
191 1, p. 123.) The legislation recommended 
by the commission after two years of study 
was known in Ohio as the "Children's Code," 
and with some changes it was adopted by 
the legislature. The success of the Ohio 
Commission led to the creation of similar 
commissions in New Hampshire (1913), Mis- 
souri (191 5), and Minnesota (1916). The 
last two were appointed by the state gover- 
nors at the suggestion of social workers who 
had failed to get legislative approval for 
bills proposing the appointment of commis- 
sions. The governor of Minnesota directed 
the commission to "revise and codify the 
laws of the state relating to children," but 
as the report was to be submitted to the 
legislature when it convened in 191 7, the 
commission considered only legislation affect- 
ing defective, dependent, and delinquent 



children and their needs. It decided not 
to recommend a "code," but submitted 43 
bills, of which 35 became laws. One of its 
most important recommendations, and one 
approved by the legislature, provided for the 
centralization in a special division (known 
as the Children's Bureau) in the State Board 
of Control, of the administration of all state 
laws for the care and protection of children 
and the organization of county child welfare 
boards to cooperate with the state board in 
carrying out the laws. The machinery 
which the commission recommended pro- 
vided for a more complete coordination of 
state and local administration than had 
previously been adopted by any state, and 
greatly influenced the development of a 
correlated state and county program else- 
where. 

With the success of the Minnesota Com- 
mission, the commission form of organiza- 
tion for study and recommendation was 
generally accepted by social workers as the 
best method of obtaining a thoroughgoing 
revision of legislation and reorganization of 
the public social services for children, par- 
ticularly those under state auspices. To 
date 34 states have created commissions, 1 
and some have been active from their crea- 
tion to the present time. In general these 
commissions have been appointed by the 
governor at the direction of the state legis- 
lature. In some states, as in Minnesota, the 
governor has without special legislation 
created a commission, and a few commissions 
have been organized without authorization 
by either the governor or the legislature. In 
the District of Columbia a committee to 
revise and codify the child welfare laws of 
the district was appointed by the Attorney 

^hio, 191 1; New Hampshire and Oregon, 
1913; Missouri, 191 5; Minnesota, 1 9 1 6 ; Mich- 
igan and Montana, 19 17; Delaware, Wisconsin, 
and Kansas, 1918; Nebraska, Indiana, South Da- 
kota, Connecticut, Oklahoma, South Carolina, 
and Texas, 19 19; Kentucky, New York, and 
Tennessee, 1920; North Dakota, Virginia, West 
Virginia, and Utah, 192 1; Georgia and Mary- 
land, 1922; Florida, Iowa, and Pennsylvania, 
1923; Rhode Island, 1925; New Jersey, 1927; 
Illinois, Massachusetts, and Wyoming, 1929. 



76 



Children's Code Commissions 



General of the United States in 1914, and 
by the Commissioners of the District of 
Columbia in 1920. In Illinois a committee 
was appointed by the Secretary of the De- 
partment of Public Welfare in 1920. In 
Wisconsin the Conference of Social Work 
took the leadership and organized a chil- 
dren's code committee in 1927 which ob- 
tained the introduction and enactment of a 
comprehensive bill two years later. 

In general, child welfare commissions have 
received little or no funds from the state. 
The members of the commission have served 
without pay and the investigations have been 
financed by private funds locally raised, or 
assistance has been given by national organ- 
izations. The exceptions have been New 
York, where during a period of five years 
$52,000 was appropriated; and Connecticut, 
Pennsylvania, Nebraska, Indiana, Massa- 
chusetts, West Virginia, and several other 
states, where smaller amounts were appro- 
priated. State commissions have, however, 
been assisted in their work by several 
national agencies. The Children's Bureau 
of the United States Department of Labor, 
since its organization in 19 12, has supplied 
all the commissions with information as to 
the laws and the administrative practices 
in other states and the method of organiza- 
tion and recommendations of other commis- 
sions. The Bureau itself has conducted 
special studies in North and South Dakota, 
Georgia, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin at 
the request of the commissions in these 
states. 

In 191 5 a so-called National Committee 
for Standardizing State Laws was formed to 
assist states on request in the work of re- 
writing their laws and reorganizing their 
administrative practice in connection with 
the care of children. It was largely active 
through its chairman, C. C. Carstens, who 
reported to the Children's Section of the 
National Conference of Social Work in 19 17. 
(Proceedings, 19 17, p. 310.) The committee 
met in Milwaukee at the time of the con- 
ference in 192 1 and recommended to the 
Russell Sage Foundation the establishment 



of the legislative service referred to above. 
While not disbanded, the committee has 
not functioned in recent years. The Russell 
Sage Foundation through its Child Helping 
Department assisted the commissions in a 
number of states, giving special aid in the 
investigation and preparation of the report 
of the Oregon Commission in 1918. ("Child 
Welfare Work in Oregon," by W. H. Slinger- 
land in Bulletin, Extension Division, Uni- 
versity of Oregon, July, 1918.) In 1924 the 
Foundation created a Department of Social 
Legislation which functioned from 1924 to 
1925. William H. Hodson, director of the 
Department, gave much assistance in the 
preparation of the recommendations and 
adoption of the report of the Public Welfare 
Commission of the District of Columbia. 
From 1916 to 1920, the National Child 
Labor Committee gave special attention to 
the commission movement. It prepared the 
report for the Tennessee Commission in 1920, 
and in cooperation with unofficial state 
groups interested in obtaining the creation 
of commissions by the several legislatures, it 
published studies of child welfare and child 
welfare legislation in Kentucky (1919), North 
Carolina (1918), and Oklahoma (1918). 
Since its organization in 1920 the Child 
Welfare League of America has been inter- 
ested in the work of the state commissions 
and has assisted several in a consultative 
capacity. 

Developments and Events, 192Q. Three new 
commissions were created during the year in 
Illinois, Massachusetts, and Maryland. The 
Illinois law (Laws, 1929, p. 780) authorized 
the governor to appoint a committee of 
specially qualified men and women repre- 
senting the legislature, the state department 
of public welfare, and the public and private 
child welfare organizations throughout the 
state, who were directed to "conduct such 
studies of the legislation relating to child 
welfare and the operation thereof as may 
be necessary to revise and codify such legis- 
lation and determine its operation." The 
chairman of the committee is Henry P. 



77 



Children's Gardens 



Chandler of Chicago and its subcommittees 
are on delinquency, dependency and neg- 
lect, defective and handicapped children, 
and health and education. The federal 
Children's Bureau cooperated in its work 
by supplying a digest of state laws and mak- 
ing several studies. 

The Massachusetts law (Resolves, 1929, 
Ch. 12) provided for a commission of three 
ex officio members — the commissioners of 
public welfare and of mental diseases, and 
the deputy probation commissioner for the 
state — and two other members to be ap- 
pointed by the governor. The commission 
is directed to investigate "laws relative to 
dependent, delinquent and neglected chil- 
dren, and children otherwise requiring spe- 
cial care." Theodore A. Lathrop, of Boston, 
is chairman of the commission and Emma 
O. Lundberg is acting as consultant. The 
United States Children's Bureau has under- 
taken the compilation of state laws on sev- 
eral subjects, and on request is supplying 
other material to the commission. On De- 
cember 4 the commission filed a preliminary 
report asking that the commission be con- 
tinued until December 30, 1930. 

The Maryland law (Laws, 1929, p. 1430) 
provides for a commission of seven members 
which is directed to investigate and make 
recommendations to the governor regarding 
the care of the disadvantaged citizens of the 
state, the functioning of the state departments 
in other states, social problems and needs of 
Maryland, and related subjects. Harold E. 
Donnell is chairman. 

The recommendations of the Children's 
Code Committee formed by the Wisconsin 
Conference of Social Work, embodied in a 
bill known as the "Wisconsin Children's 
Code," were submitted to the legislature in 
1929. After many amendments the code 
was adopted. (Laws, 1929, Ch. 439.) A bill 
providing for a commission which had the 
support of social workers in Washington 
failed of passage by the legislature. Its 
provisions are referred to in the other 
articles of the Year Book on the topics 
covered. 



Consult: Carstens, C. C: "The Development 
of State Programs for Child Welfare," in Proceed- 
ings of the National Conference of Social Work, 1 9 1 7, 
pp. 307-315; Clopper, E. N.: "The Develop- 
ment of the Children's Code," in the Annals of 
the American Academy, November, 1921, pp. 1 54— 
159; Children's Bureau, United States Depart- 
ment of Labor: State Commissions for the Study 
and Revision of Child Welfare Laws, Publication 
No. 131, 1924 (bibliography), and Annual Re- 
ports, 1924 to 1929. The latter give annual sum- 
maries of legislation, work, recommendations, 
and accomplishments of child welfare commis- 
sions. 

Grace Abbott 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 582. 

CHILDREN'S COURTS. See Juvenile 
Courts and Probation. 



CHILDREN'S FESTIVALS. 
Festivals. 



See Play 



CHILDREN'S GARDENS are areas culti- 
vated by children for recreational and educa- 
tional purposes. The first garden of this 
type in the United States was begun in 1891 
by Henry Lincoln Clapp, head of the George 
Putnam School of Roxbury, Massachusetts. 
Mr. Clapp had been sent abroad the previ- 
ous year by the Massachusetts Horticul- 
tural Society to make a study of school 
gardens in Europe, and his knowledge of 
developments in Germany, England, Bel- 
gium, France, and Switzerland helped to 
determine the policies of this movement in 
America. 

Most of the children's gardens in this 
country have been operated under the 
auspices of the public schools. A few have 
been administered by city departments of 
recreation or by park boards, and a few by 
industrial concerns. In the early years of 
the movement settlements and other social 
agencies occasionally fostered garden enter- 
prises. During the World War the real aims 
of the school garden movement were largely 
lost sight of in the pressure for food produc- 



78 



Chronic Diseases 



tion, but that phase has passed and the 
gardens are once more thought of as being 
primarily laboratories in the field of nature 
education. School gardens have had their 
most conspicuous development in New York, 
Boston, Baltimore, Washington, Atlanta, 
Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Dayton, Louisville, 
St. Louis, Kansas City, Portland, Los 
Angeles, Fresno, and Lincoln. The School 
Garden Association of New York, which has 
about 10,000 members, is the largest organ- 
ization in this field in the world. The Board 
of Education of New York City has 205 
schools with gardens on their grounds, the 
largest number of school gardens reported 
for any city in the country; the Park De- 
partment supports seven gardens; the 
Brooklyn Botanic Garden, also under the 
city government, administers a large gar- 
den, and one is in operation in Manhattan 
under the auspices of the National Plant, 
Flower, and Fruit Guild. Conspicuous prog- 
ress has recently been made in the South, 
particularly in Atlanta. 

Vacant lot gardens have largely disap- 
peared since the war. Home gardens have 
been most successful in Tulsa, Okla., where 
four special supervisors have been employed, 
but such gardens have not been as widely 
established as gardens located on school 
grounds. 

Consult: Corbett, L. C: School Gardens (Farm- 
ers Bulletin No. 218, United States Department of 
Agriculture, revised edition), 1922, reprint 1928; 
Greene, M. Louise: Among School Gardens, 1910; 
Reports of the School Garden Association of 
America; and issues of Nature Garden Guide, 
published by the School Garden Association of 
New York City. Information will also be found 
in the reports of boards of education in cities 
where school gardens are operated. 

Van Evrie Kilpatrick 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 582. 

CHILDREN'S HOMES or INSTITU- 
TIONS. See Dependent and Neglected 
Children. 

6 79 



CHRONIC DISEASES. For the purpose 
of this discussion chronic disease (excluding 
pulmonary tuberculosis and mental disease) 
may be defined as illness lasting a period of 
three months or more, which prevents the 
patient from following his accustomed daily 
routine and which necessitates medical or 
nursing care at home or in an institution. 
Patients with chronic diseases are sometimes 
grouped into three classes on the basis of 
their medical needs: patients who require 
medical care for diagnosis and treatment; 
those requiring chiefly skilled nursing care; 
and those requiring only custodial care. 

Chronic physical disability is determined 
largely by disease of the heart and arteries, 
organic affections of the nervous system, 
cancer, non-tuberculous disease of the lungs, 
the various forms of rheumatism and B right's 
disease, by diabetes mellitus, and other dis- 
turbances of the glands of internal secretion 
or of metabolism. Too often the term "in- 
curable" is applied to these maladies. This 
is at times an unwarranted assumption, 
and it has a very depressing effect on the 
patient and checks every effort at rehabilita- 
tion. 

With the progressive decrease in death 
rate from infectious diseases which has taken 
place in recent years, more and more persons 
survive middle life, to succumb at a more 
advanced age to disease obscure in origin 
and chronic in character. Today chronic 
diseases are responsible for one-half of all 
deaths. 

Persons between their fiftieth and seven- 
tieth years who are disabled and infirm 
should be regarded as sick, not as suffering 
from old age. The term "senile," like the 
term "incurable," involves an assumption of 
inevitableness which leads these victims of 
disease to be regarded as useless derelicts, 
rather than as patients who need medical 
attention. Similarly there has been a ten- 
dency to confuse convalescent with chronic 
patients, owing probably to the fact that 
both often need prolonged institutional care; 
but their problems are quite different. See 
Convalescent Care. 



Chronic Diseases 



In chronic disease, economic and social 
factors are fully as significant as medical 
ones. Even a poor family can ordinarily 
recover from the effect of an acute illness, 
but when disease is protracted, the cost of 
medical attendance, medicines, special food, 
and sick-room sundries becomes prohibitive. 
It makes itself felt especially when a wage- 
earner is ill, but the illness of a wife is serious 
also, for it involves unusual expenditures for 
the maintenance of the household. The life 
of every member of the family is in some way 
conditioned by the fact of such illness. A 
very heavy strain is placed on the varied 
human relationships comprised in the family. 
Because of all these factors the family fre- 
quently becomes disorganized and destitute. 
As a consequence social agencies are called 
on for relief and a tax is laid on community 
resources. 

The individual suffering from chronic ail- 
ment is preeminently an institutional charge, 
but only very rarely have proper provisions 
been made for such cases. Probably not 
more than six well-organized hospitals for 
chronic diseases exist in this country. The 
best known ones are Montefiore Hospital 
for Chronic Diseases in New York City, 
and Robert Brigham Hospital, Boston. 
Owing to the lack of special institutions, 
homes for incurables, almshouses, city in- 
firmaries, and homes for the aged and infirm 
harbor many chronic sick without being 
equipped to meet their medical needs. 
There is an urgent need for increasing the 
number of hospitals. They must be main- 
tained by public funds, for the chronic sick 
cannot contribute much to their support. 
The situation is analogous to that of the 
tuberculous and the insane. For such of the 
chronic sick as can be cared for in their 
homes a visiting nursing service would be of 
great help. This is provided in many com- 
munities, but the demands of those acutely 
ill are so great that chronic cases are given 
secondary consideration and rarely receive 
adequate care. In many instances in which 
personal care alone is needed, this could be 
carried out by trained attendants, if they 



were closely supervised. Certain types of 
patients can be maintained in boarding 
homes. Here, too, some sort of public super- 
vision would be essential. 

Occupational therapy often serves to 
improve the morale of the patient, to help 
the development of certain muscles or to 
mobilize a diseased joint, to assist in re- 
habilitation by supplying prevocational 
training, or to make the patient economically 
productive through the production of useful 
articles. See Occupational Therapy. One 
of the chief difficulties experienced with these 
patients is that of transportation to and from 
work. In institutions in which there are 
many chronic invalids who are able to work 
it is important to organize an appropriate 
workshop within the institution. No such 
shops exist, however, so far as the author is 
aware. 

The institutional needs of patients with 
chronic disease are gradually being recog- 
nized throughout the country. In a number 
of large cities new hospitals for chronic 
patients have been established or are being 
planned. Conspicuous are those in Cleve- 
land and Boston. Moreover, homes for the 
aged and for the incurable, such as the 
Hebrew Home for Aged and Infirm in Balti- 
more, have here and there made better pro- 
visions for the medical care of their inmates. 
With growing attention paid to the chronic- 
ally ill, more cases have been discovered. 
Most hopeful have been measures instituted 
in several cities to replace their almshouses 
or county infirmaries with well-staffed and 
equipped hospitals for chronic diseases. 
The first unit of such a municipal hospital 
in Cincinnati has just been opened. See 
County and City Homes. 

Another type of activity for the chronically 
ill is the organization of friendly services 
which persons shut in by invalidism often so 
greatly need. Among the local agencies 
active in this field are hospital visiting com- 
mittees, fruit and flower missions, and the 
like. The Shut-in Society, a national agency 
with six state branches, includes in its 
clientele cripples and the blind as well as 



80 



Church Recreation 



chronic invalids. Its branches lend wheel- 
chairs and other sick-room appliances, such 
as hot-water bags, rubber air cushions, and 
the like; write letters to the lonely, send 
them books, remember them at Christmas 
and other holidays, and conduct exchanges 
for the sale of articles made by their shut-in 
members. The International Order of 
King's Daughters and Sons does much work 
of a similar nature. See Societies for 
Friendly Services. 

Studies in this field which were in progress 
during 1929 included the following: a census 
of the chronic sick in New York City, and a 
review of the institutional facilities for their 
care, undertaken by the Welfare Council of 
that city; and a similar study of the situa- 
tion in Chicago, under the auspices of its 
Council of Social Agencies. 

Consult: Boas and Michelson: The Challenge of 
Chronic Disease, 1929; and Boston Council of 
Social Agencies: Report on Chronic Diseases in 
Boston, 1927. 

Ernst P. Boas 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 582. 

CHURCH AND SOCIAL WORK. Re- 
ligious organizations as factors in organized 
social work are discussed under Catholic 
Social Work, Jewish Social Work, 
Protestant Social Work, and Mormon 
Social Work. The national agencies in 
each of these fields are shown in National 
Agencies, Classified (page 579), under the 
four headings here mentioned; and the ac- 
tivities of the several agencies are indicated 
in articles relating to them in National 
Agencies (page 497). 

CHURCH OF THE LATTER DAY 
SAINTS, SOCIAL WORK BY. See 
Mormon Social Work. 

CHURCH RECREATION has traveled a 
long road. Starting when recreation of any 
sort was considered ungodly, it came next 



to be looked upon with indifference, and 
then as "bait" to lure young people to the 
church. Only recently has it begun to take 
its rightful place in church programs as a 
necessary part of every well-rounded life. 
Churches are now coming to see wholesome 
recreation as part of their ministry. Church 
recreational activities are mainly social, and 
include parties, banquets, outings, and 
sometimes dramatics. Large city churches 
often have parish houses with ample facili- 
ties for recreation and athletic events. Very 
few directors of recreation are employed by 
individual churches, and as a rule leadership 
in that activity is an incidental function of 
the director of religious education. The 
Social Recreation Union holds an annual 
institute of one week for the training of 
workers in this field. 

Local organization for promoting church 
recreation is very slightly developed. The 
Chicago Church Federation has an effective 
recreation committee, and in a few large 
cities the National Recreation Association 
is training church leaders. Several religious 
national offices, including those of the United 
Presbyterian, Christian, Methodist Episco- 
pal, Methodist Episcopal South, Congrega- 
tional, and Presbyterian Churches, have 
directors of young people's work who are 
largely concerned with recreation. The Mor- 
mon Church also has a well-developed recrea- 
tion program. A significant fact is the great 
interest shown by these churches in summer 
camp conferences for young people— largely 
recreational in character. Incomplete sta- 
tistics show that in 1929 over 150,000 young 
persons attended such camps. 

Consult: Publications of Social Recreation Union 
and of its affiliated agency, Church Recreation 
Service; Richardson, N. E.: Church at Play, 1922, 
and Williams, Marguerita P.: Sources of Informa- 
tion on Play and Recreation (a bibliography), 1927, 
Section XXI. 

Lynn Rohrbough 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 582. 



City and Regional Planning 



CHURCH SOCIAL WORK. See Catholic 
Work, Jewish Social Work, Mormon 
Social Work, and Protestant Social 
Work. 

CITY BOARDS OR DEPARTMENTS OF 
HEALTH. See Public Health, Local 
Agencies. 

CITY DEPARTMENTS OF CHARITIES 
OR PUBLIC WELFARE. See Public 
Welfare, Local Agencies. 

CITY HOMES. See County and City 
Homes. 

CITY AND REGIONAL PLANNING is 

the ordering of the physical elements of a 
city or a region so that each will best per- 
form its function and all will be coordi- 
nated into a unit of the utmost efficiency, 
healthfulness, andagreeableness. This physi- 
cal process is guided by a master plan best 
expressed by a map with descriptive text. 
A financial program or long-term budget 
for major improvements should accompany 
the physical plan. 

History and Present Status. Although from 
the earliest times there have been plans for 
American cities which have left their imprint 
on the downtown sections, in most cases 
these plans have not been followed beyond 
the very limited areas for which they were 
made. The modern era dates from about 
1900, and during its first decade city plan- 
ning was largely influenced by the Burnham 
plan for the Chicago World's Fair. In the 
reports of this "city beautiful" decade the 
emphasis is on improving the appearance of 
cities, on removing undesirable features, and 
providing agreeable ones. Cities are urged 
to do away with the smoke, to remove poles, 
wires, billboards, and overhanging signs. 
More land for parks and playgrounds, espe- 
cially water-front land, is recommended for 
purchase. Public buildings are to be grouped 
in spacious civic centers. Shade tree com- 
missions are to be appointed. There is much 



discussion of vistas and much citing of 
European examples. Studies of population 
growth, of traffic movement, of trends in 
commerce and industry are not much in evi- 
dence. In the light of the present state of 
the art, with its exhaustive statistical studies, 
the early surveys are of the sampling or 
pathfinder variety, calculated to define and 
illustrate the problem, not to solve it. 

Few if any of these early reports had any 
official standing. They were made for com- 
mercial organizations, civic associations, or 
citizens' committees. The first official plan 
commission in the United States was ap- 
pointed by the city of Hartford in 1907 under 
the authority of a local ordinance. There 
were only 15 official city planning agencies 
in 1 9 14. From then on each year brought a 
greater pressure on the city structure. The 
rush of people to the city had been marked 
from 1900 to 19 10, and was even more 
marked from 1910 to 1920. In 1905 the city 
streets were not greatly burdened by the 
78,000 motor cars then registered, but they 
began to be threatened in 191 5 when the 
number of motors had jumped to 2,500,000, 
and they have broken down completely under 
the 25,500,000 cars of 1929. Getting the city 
masses about, and providing for their hous- 
ing, schooling, and recreation, are now the 
chief concern of city and regional planning 
agencies. 

Social and economic pressure and the per- 
sistent agitation of national agencies have 
accomplished much. Official city planning 
agencies increased from 15 in 19 14 to 200 in 
1922, and to 700 at the end of 1929. To this 
number should be added 16 official planning 
agencies for counties or regions and about 50 
unofficial regional or city planning commit- 
tees. Of the 21 cities in the United States 
having a population of 300,000 and over, all 
but one have planning commissions. Of the 
48 cities in the United States with a popu- 
lation of between 100,000 and 300,000, all 
but seven have planning commissions. 

Until 191 6 there were two great divisions 
of the planning field. The first was concerned 
with circulation on the highway, the city 



82 



Civic and Related Organizations 



street, or by rail and rapid transit lines, and 
the second with the distribution of public 
lands, whether for open spaces or for public 
building purposes. The New York Zoning 
Ordinance, passed in 191 6, brought into the 
planning field the regulation of the use of 
private land by the community for the com- 
munity. Zones for residence, business, and 
industry have since been established in over 
500 cities. State legislation authorizing ap- 
pointment of planning commissions and de- 
fining their duties did not exist in 1907. 
Since then every state has written city plan- 
ning or zoning or both into its organic law. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
If planning is not a profession, it is a com- 
posite of several professions. The oppor- 
tunities for employment are either as general 
consultants or as engineers of local commis- 
sions. Up to 1930 most of the master plans 
were made by consultants and administered 
by local planning engineers under the gen- 
eral supervision of planning commissions. 
There are still hundreds of master plans to be 
made and administered, but of the 700 plan- 
ning commissions now at work not more than 
50 have appropriation enough to employ 
professional assistance. Until the work of 
the planning commission is rated at its full 
value by municipal authorities, young archi- 
tects, landscape architects, and engineers 
will not be lured into this new field. There is, 
however, a growing demand which is not 
likely soon to be oversupplied by the yearly 
output of the professional schools. The first 
School of City Planning in the United States 
was established in 1929 at Harvard Univer- 
sity. For some years, however, instruction 
in city planning has been given at the School 
of Landscape Architecture at Harvard, and 
excellent courses have been offered at other 
colleges and technical schools. 

Developments and Events, igig. During the 
year the first regional plan in America was 
completed for the metropolitan area sur- 
rounding the port of New York after a study 
of seven years at a cost of over $1,000,000. 



This was the gift of the Russell Sage Foun- 
dation to the New York region. The ten 
survey volumes and the two graphic plan 
volumes which together make up the com- 
plete Plan are great additions to the already 
considerable body of planning literature. 
At Radburn, N. J., on what was only farm 
land in 1928, there was finished during the 
year a complete unit— homes, parks, and 
business center— of the first town in the 
United States designed for the motor age. 
In the field of legislation California, Colo- 
rado, and North Dakota joined New York 
State in passing laws which give permanence 
and official standing to city plans. 

Consult: Hubbard and Hubbard: Our Cities, 
Today and Tomorrow, 1929; Duflfus, R. L. : 
Mastering a Metropolis, 1930; and the following 
volumes of Regional Survey of New York and Its 
Environs (Regional Plan of New York and Its 
Environs): Vol. 1, Haig and McCrea: Major 
Economic Factors in Metropolitan Growth and 
Arrangement, 1927, with supplementary studies 1 a 
(Chemical, Metal, Wood, Tobacco, and Printing 
Industries) and 1 b (Food, Clothing, and Textile 
Industries); Vol. 2, Adams, Thomas and others: 
Popidation, Land Values and Government, 1929; 
Vol. 3, Lewis and Goodrich: Highway Traffic, 
1927; Vol. 4, Turner, D. L.: Transit and Trans- 
portation, 1928; Vol. 5, Hanmer, L. F., and others: 
Public Recreation, 1Q28; Vol. 7, Perry, Heydecker, 
Goodrich, Adams and others: Neighborhood and 
Community Planning, 1929; Vol. 8, Lewis, H. M., 
and others: Physical Conditions and Public Ser- 
vices, 1929. 

Flavel Shurtleff 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 582. 

CIVIC AND RELATED ORGANIZA- 
TIONS. The word "civics," which was 
formerly applied solely to the study of civil 
government, now includes all activities of 
citizens in relation to the state and society. 
Similarly, only organizations which had to do 
with government in its political aspects were 
formerly regarded as civic organizations. 
Such bodies now concern themselves also 
with all that relates to constructive, intelli- 



83 



Civil Liberties 



gent, and helpful participation in the work 
the government is doing. As the activities 
and functions of government have been 
growing in extent and application, civic or- 
ganizations have expanded and developed. 
They now deal with problems of housing, 
crime and penal conditions, community or- 
ganization in its various phases, employ- 
ment problems, health, mental hygiene, the 
handicapped, recreation, the administration 
of justice, and sundry other phases of the 
social problems of the times. 

Typical of civic organizations of the 
broadest type is the Civic Club of Pitts- 
burgh. It initiated the playground move- 
ment in its city; also medical inspection in 
the public schools, community singing in 
public parks, open air schools and a legal aid 
society. It organized the Pittsburgh Juve- 
nile Court, the local Child Labor Associa- 
tion, and the Associated Charities. The 
Municipal Index for 1929 lists 156 national 
agencies and 31 state leagues which serve 
municipalities in various ways. No com- 
plete list of local civic organizations has ever 
been prepared. The National Association 
of Civic Secretaries represents in its member- 
ship the more important civic bodies — those 
that are served by men and women devoting 
all, or practically all, of their time to the 
work. 

Business organizations at one time dealt 
solely with problems of business, in the 
narrower meaning of that term. At present 
most organizations of that character deal 
with as wide a range of subjects as civic 
organizations. The Chamber of Commerce 
of the United States has a Department of 
Civic Development which aims to coordinate 
and develop such activities. 

In his study entitled Chicago, published in 
1929, Charles E. Merriam declares it to be 
his judgment that civic organizations in that 
city are recruited from, and largely sup- 
ported by, the benevolently minded well- 
to-do persons of the middle classes. On 
many measures their lead is followed by the 
community, perhaps unconsciously. He 
finds several factors which prevent their 



more effective leadership. Among these are 
"the frequent lack of an aggressive attitude 
on public utility questions, on which their 
members are divided; the avoidance of, or 
relative indifference to, the interests of the 
labor group; their relatively weak repre- 
sentation among the nationalistic groups; 
their lack of technical intelligence in the 
scientific sense. Business interests are likely 
to look upon them as radical; labor interests 
as conservative; politicians as meddlers and 
cranks; graft interests as dangerous foes. 
Thus the civic organizations, while they are 
strong at many points, are weak at others, 
identified in most quarters with sincerity 
and zeal, but also with narrowness and class 
affiliation." 

In the same connection Professor Merriam 
points out that admirable civic work has 
been done by many of the business organiza- 
tions, particularly in the fields of public im- 
provements, public welfare, and finance. 
But there are cases where the interests of 
these organizations do not coincide with those 
of the community. Hence they find them- 
selves frequently involved in bitter and 
deplorable struggles with the mass of the 
people on questions of franchise, public 
ownership, strikes, schools, or other problems 
involving the respective rights of the many 
and the few. While these observations of 
Professor Merriam relate specifically to the 
Chicago situation, they apply also to prac- 
tically every community in the country. 
There may be variation in details, but little 
or none in outlines and conditions. 

No comprehensive study of the activities 
in this field has been made, and there is prac- 
tically no literature devoted to it other than 
the scattered reports of local civic agencies. 

Clinton Rogers Woodruff 

For national agencies in this field see National 
Agencies, Classified, on page 582. 

CIVIL LIBERTIES. The term "civil 
liberties" is used in relation to the free exer- 
cise of rights set forth in the Constitution of 
the United States — freedom of speech, press, 



84 



Civil Liberties 



and assemblage; the right of defendants to a 
fair trial; the equality of citizens before the 
law irrespective of race or religion; and the 
separation of Church and State. This article 
deals with organized efforts for the protec- 
tion of those rights-— particularly those re- 
lating to freedom of speech, freedom of the 
press, and freedom of assemblage. 

From the standpoint of the agencies en- 
gaged in these organized activities, civil 
liberty involves the freedom of all propa- 
ganda from censorship in advance of pub- 
lication or display, and freedom of such 
pronouncements from penalties. Specialized 
activities in the field are directed toward 
insuring equal rights for Negroes, freedom of 
teaching in schools and colleges, and the 
protection of the rights of aliens and other 
minorities. 

History and Present Stains. Only in recent 
years have continuous efforts been made by 
organized agencies to secure for all persons 
the civil liberties set forth in the fundamental 
law of the country. Earlier efforts were made 
only by the minorities whose rights were 
attacked. There was no general non-parti- 
san organization for defense of these rights 
until the World War, when the National 
Civil Liberties Bureau was formed to oppose 
wartime prosecutions and to protect con- 
scientious objectors. After the war the 
Bureau was expanded into the American 
Civil Liberties Union, composed now of 
some 6,000 members in different parts of the 
country, with local committees employing 
paid workers in the three centers where 
issues are most acute— California, Pennsyl- 
vania, and Massachusetts. Other organiza- 
tions dealing with special aspects of the 
struggle are the National Association for 
the Advancement of Colored People, the In- 
ternational Labor Defense, a communist- 
led working-class organization, and defense 
committees set up as need prompts by trade 
unions, organizations of aliens, and other 
minority bodies. 

Of the infringements of civil liberties 
against which organizations in this field pro- 



test, nine out of ten involve rights which 
labor asserts in its contest with employers 
or with civil authorities. It is alleged that 
these rights have been menaced by restric- 
tive legislation passed during and since the 
war, both federal and state, and by decisions 
of state and federal courts which have usually 
sustained such legislation. Included are the 
federal Espionage Act and the criminal 
syndicalism and sedition laws, and laws re- 
stricting the freedom of labor organizations. 
Protest is also made against the federal laws 
which forbid admission to the United States 
of radical aliens and provide for their de- 
portation; against laws denying citizenship 
to alien radicals and conscientious objectors; 
against state laws in three states which for- 
bid the teaching of evolution; against the 
laws in 15 states which require the Protes- 
tant version of the Bible to be read in the 
public schools; against laws subjecting mo- 
tion pictures and the radio to a growing 
legal censorship, and against laws providing 
for compulsory military training in colleges 
and the so-called "voluntary" training in 
high schools. Objection is similarly made to 
the use of injunctions restricting the lawful 
acts of labor in time of strikes, to the action 
of police and sheriffs when, without lawful 
right, they break up meetings and picket- 
lines, act as censors, conduct searches with- 
out warrant, and administer the third degree; 
and finally to lynching and mob violence 
and the connivance of officers of the law in 
such outbursts, as a result of which those 
who are guilty generally go unpunished. 

These acts of legislatures, courts, and civil 
authorities affecting chiefly strikers, Negroes, 
and communists, the American Civil Liber- 
ties Union combats in different ways. Test 
cases are carried to the highest courts; de- 
fense is organized; further legislation of the 
kind mentioned is opposed; free speech test 
meetings are held in places where assemblage 
has been unlawfully denied; and publicity 
is organized through pamphlets, the press, 
and public meetings of protest. Over 500 
lawyers in all parts of the country cooperate, 
many rendering their services without charge. 



85 



Civil Liberties 



Developments and Events, 192Q. The num- 
ber of complaints alleging violations of civil 
liberty that were reported to the Union 
during the year showed no decrease over 
previous years. There was a considerable 
increase in prosecutions of strikers and inter- 
ference with lawful activities by communists, 
largely due to the increased militancy of the 
communist movement and its related trade 
unions. There were 228 prosecutions brought 
involving the issue of free speech— in addi- 
tion to cases arising out of strikes, which 
numbered hundreds more. Some 20 sweep- 
ing injunctions were issued in strikes. State 
troops were called out in three strikes in 
the South, and 53 meetings were broken up 
by the police. 

From the standpoint of the organizations 
at work in this field the events of the year 
1929 showing progress were the following: 
(a) The decision of the Supreme Court of 
South Dakota voiding a law permitting the 
reading of the Bible in public schools; (b) 
the State Department's lifting of the ban 
on the admission of Count Karolyi; (c) the 
adoption by the Senate of an amendment 
taking from customs clerks the right to 
exclude foreign books which they regard as 
"obscene"; (d) the decision of a federal 
district judge in New York that membership 
in the Communist Party does not make an 
alien deportable; (e) the award by a jury 
in New York of $17,000 damages to Mme. 
Rosika Schwimmer for libel; (f) the investi- 
gation of alleged unlawful means used by 
law enforcement officials which was under- 
taken by the National Commission on Law 
Observance and Enforcement; (g) the organ- 
ization of campaigns in Massachusetts 
against the censorship of books, plays, and 
meetings in Boston, and in Pennsylvania 
against the sedition law, against the violence 
of state and private police, and against the 
closed company town. 

The events similarly regarded as hindering 
progress or causing a loss of ground previ- 
ously gained were: (a) The decision of the 
United States Supreme Court denying citi- 
zenship to Mme. Rosika Schwimmer for re- 



fusing to bear arms; (b) the decision of the 
Minnesota Supreme Court sustaining a law 
which permitted judges to curb the press by 
injunction (to be appealed to the United 
States Supreme Court); (c) the Pennsylva- 
nia Supreme Court's approval of the sedi- 
tion law, with the consequent imprisonment 
of the first three men sent to prison under 
these laws anywhere in the United States 
since 1924; (d) the revocation of citizenship 
of a communist for his beliefs (appealed); 
(e) the conviction of Mrs. Mary Ware Den- 
nett for sending a sex pamphlet through the 
mails (appealed); (f) the conviction of five 
communists in California for displaying a 
red flag (appealed); (g) the defeat in the 
Pennsylvania legislature of a bill to abolish 
the coal and iron police; (h) the failure of 
the governor of California to act on the cases 
of Mooney and Billings, imprisoned since 
19 1 6 for a crime which practically all officials 
connected with their conviction now believe 
they did not commit; (i) the decision of the 
Massachusetts Supreme Court sustaining a 
conviction for criminal libel of Governor 
Fuller; (j) new prosecutions in Ohio, Illinois, 
and California under the criminal syndical- 
ism and sedition laws; (k) the violence 
against strikers in North Carolina and Ten- 
nessee resulting in the killing of 7 strikers, 
the wounding of 24 others, the kidnapping 
and flogging of 7 and sentencing of 11 to 
prison, the prosecution of union members 
and sympathizers in connection with these 
events, and the failure of the authorities to 
punish any of the public officials or members 
of the mobs who were concerned. 

Studies in progress in this field during 1929 
include one by Walter Nells, of the Yale Law 
School, on injunctions in labor cases, and a 
series of studies by the National Commission 
on Law Observance and Enforcement on 
official lawlessness in relation to civil rights. 

Consult: Chafee, Zechariah, Jr.: Freedom of 
Speech, 1920, and The Inquiring Mind, 1928; 
Hays, Arthur Garfield: Let Freedom Ring! 1928; 
Whipple, Leon: The Story of Civil Liberty, 1927, 
and Our Ancient Liberties, 1927; Phelps, E. M.: 
Civil Liberty (Reference Shelf, vol. 4, no. 9, H. W. 



86 



Clinical Study of Adult Offenders 



Wilson Co.), 1927; Frankfurter and Greene: The 
Labor Injunction, 1930; and "Use of Injunctions 
in Labor Disputes," in Information Service, March 
8, 1930 (Federal Council of Churches). 

Roger N. Baldwin 

For national agencies in this field see National 
Agencies, Classified, on page 582. 



CLINICAL STUDY OF ADULT OF- 
FENDERS. This article deals with the 
clinical study of adult offenders by psy- 
chiatrists or psychologists, whether attached 
to a court, a penal or reformatory institu- 
tion, or to a state correctional agency. For 
clinical study of juvenile offenders see Psy- 
chiatric Clinics for Children. The most 
important purpose of mental examinations, 
applied to offenders awaiting trial, is to ob- 
tain an evaluation of their personalities in 
order that the court may make a more intel- 
ligent disposition of the cases. For persons 
already in confinement examinations facili- 
tate decision as to future treatment; for ex- 
ample, whether they should be transferred to 
institutions for special groups, such as those 
for the criminally insane or defective delin- 
quents. Examination may also be used in 
order to assign a man to a suitable occupa- 
tion, in order to advise the disciplinary 
officer in case the prisoner becomes a con- 
duct problem, or in order to advise the parole 
board as to his suitability for parole. Mental 
examinations of convicts sentenced to death 
are important in view of the established legal 
principle that an insane person should not be 
executed. 

Methods of mental study vary from de- 
cidedly cursory examinations to those which 
include an extensive social history and 
thoroughgoing psychological and psychiatric 
tests. In general the only treatment pro- 
vided is hospitalization, or as great a modi- 
fication of the occupational and other 
facilities of an institution as its rules and 
customs will permit. Specialized institutions 
for border-line cases are greatly needed. 

History and Present Status. The study of 
offenders as individuals began with Lom- 



broso in 1876. The first court clinic in this 
country was established by Dr. William 
Healy in the Chicago Juvenile Court in 1909, 
and in 191 3 the first adult court clinic was 
organized, in connection with the Municipal 
Court in Boston, under the direction of Dr. 
Victor V. Anderson. Pioneering on the insti- 
tutional side was done by Dr. Guy Fernald 
through his work at the Massachusetts 
Reformatory from 1908 on. Dr. A. Warren 
Stearns, now commissioner of correction of 
Massachusetts, began his well-known study 
of inmates of the Massachusetts State Prison 
in 191 3, and in 1916 a psychiatric clinic was 
established in Sing Sing Prison in New York 
under Dr. Bernard Glueck. The influence of 
Dr. Herman F. Adler, who was appointed 
state criminologist of Illinois in 19 17, has 
likewise been marked. During his tenure of 
office a well-organized service was estab- 
lished in the correctional institutions of 
Illinois. The need for service of this char- 
acter in county jails was emphasized be- 
tween 19 1 9 and 1924 by a series of state 
surveys conducted by the National Commit- 
tee for Mental Hygiene, and in 1924 Massa- 
chusetts passed a law (Ch. 309) providing 
for the examination of convicted prisoners 
in its jails. No other state is doing this as a 
matter of routine. The movement on the 
court side was furthered by the establish- 
ment of a psychopathic clinic in the Re- 
corder's Court of Detroit in 1920 under the 
directorship of Dr. Arnold L. Jacoby. More 
recently the reports of the National Crime 
Commission have drawn attention to the 
usefulness of court clinics, and within the 
past few months the American Bar Asso- 
ciation has given approval to the prin- 
ciple. Local and state crime commissions 
have so far paid but little attention to the 
subject. 

In 1927 the National Crime Commission 
received replies to questionnaires from 1,168 
courts of original criminal jurisdiction, in- 
cluding those dealing with juvenile cases. 
In these replies no courts in 31 states, or 
9.4 per cent of the total, reported that they 
were regularly served by public psychiatric 



87 



Clinical Study of Adult Offenders 



agencies or had psychiatrists of their own, 
either on a full-time or part-time basis, and 
for 70 courts psychologists were reported. 
Some courts had both forms of service. In 
1928 the Commission endeavored to ob- 
tain more definite information as to the 
use made of these services. Replies were 
received from 76 of the courts which had 
reported themselves equipped with psy- 
chiatric service. In the 38 adult or mixed 
courts replying, approximately 7 per cent 
of the defendants were examined psy- 
chiatrically. These figures possibly over- 
state the general situation, for the replies 
were obtained from a highly selected group 
of courts — those which had reported psy- 
chiatric clinics. Obviously the 7,800 adults 
examined in these courts represent a very 
small proportion of the criminal cases dis- 
posed of each year. Ordinarily the judge or 
the probation officer selects the cases for 
examination. In no case was routine ex- 
amination of adults reported. The very 
recent development of work of this character 
is indicated by the fact that 38 out of the 
61 court psychiatrists and 19 of the 35 court 
psychologists reported had commenced work 
since January, 192 1. 

Even in penal and reformatory institu- 
tions, where the service developed somewhat 
earlier, psychiatric aid is a novelty. Since 
January, 191 7, 79 per cent of the prison psy- 
chiatrists and 88 per cent of the prison psy- 
chologists have been added to the staffs. 
In a survey made by the National Crime 
Commission in 1927 only 29 out of 259 in- 
stitutions reported a full-time psychiatrist 
employed, and only 64 a part-time psychia- 
trist. Approximately the same proportions 
were reported in the case of psychologists. 
In reply to an inquiry addressed by the 
Commission in 1928 to the institutions re- 
porting some use of psychiatry, 53 of the 101 
institutions reporting stated that all in- 
mates are examined upon admission, as a 
matter of routine. The other institutions 
examine only selected cases — apparently 
those suspected to be suffering from mental 
disease. Much of the alleged psychiatric 



work in penal institutions seems to be per- 
formed by prison physicians. Since they 
are usually not trained psychiatrists, the 
value of the figures reported is somewhat 
doubtful. Furthermore, the number of 
admissions to the reporting institutions con- 
stitutes less than one-eighth of the esti- 
mated number of commitments in the United 
States. 

In several states there are statutory or 
regulatory provisions for the examination, 
by official agencies, of specified classes of 
offenders. In Massachusetts the well-known 
Briggs Law provides that psychiatrists 
appointed by the Department of Mental 
Diseases shall give routine examinations to 
all persons indicted for a capital offense, 
also to those who have been bound over or 
indicted for a felony, if previously convicted 
of a felony or indicted more than once for 
any offense. The state mental hygiene clinic 
of Delaware makes an examination of de- 
fendants when so requested by the judge. I n 
Colorado a person who pleads insanity is 
committed to a state mental hospital for 
examination and report. Most required 
mental examinations relate to inmates of 
penal institutions. The classification clinic 
at Sing Sing Prison, N. Y., has already been 
mentioned. It aims to provide a scientific 
study of each criminal, and on that basis to 
make recommendations for his care, train- 
ing, employment, and ultimate disposition. 
In Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin 
clinics under the control of the state visit 
the state institutions and make mental ex- 
aminations of the prisoners. Their findings 
are used in connection with transfers, where 
needed, of the mentally deranged, and with 
reference to the desirability of parole. Men- 
tal examinations are made in Illinois of 
inmates in the state institutions, resident 
psychiatrists being used for this purpose. 
Massachusetts, as already mentioned, is the 
only state which makes routine examinations 
of inmates of county jails and houses of cor- 
rection. Only those serving a sentence of 
more than 30 days are examined, or those 
who have previously served sentences. 



88 



Clinics and Out-Patient Departments 



In a few well-organized court clinics 
trained psychiatric social workers are em- 
ployed. Usually, however, the social work 
incident to adequate psychiatric examina- 
tion is carried on by probation officers. 
See Adult Probation, Juvenile Courts 
and Probation, and Psychiatric Social 
Work. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. Significant 
changes during the year were few. Several 
cities, including Los Angeles, Rochester, 
Philadelphia, and Cincinnati, report addi- 
tional or new facilities in their courts or 
institutions. The continued cooperation of 
committees of the American Bar Associa- 
tion, the American Psychiatric Association, 
and the American Medical Association cul- 
minated in October, at the annual meeting 
of the Bar Association, in the report of its 
Committee on Psychiatric Jurisprudence. 
That report recommended that psychiatric 
service be made available to all criminal and 
juvenile courts, and to all penal and correc- 
tional institutions; that no criminal be 
sentenced in a felony case in which the judge 
has discretion until a psychiatric report has 
been filed as part of the record; and that no 
prisoner be released from sentence for felony 
until a psychiatric report has been made. 
These recommendations were unanimously 
adopted by the American Bar Association 
and forwarded, with the report of the Com- 
mittee, to all state and local associations for 
discussion and action. Studies in progress 
during the year include a survey of prisons 
and reformatories made by the National 
Society of Penal Information, the psychiatric 
facilities of the institutions being among the 
matters investigated. 

Legislation, igig. California (Ch. 385) — 
When a defendant pleads not guilty by rea- 
son of insanity, the court must select at least 
two alienists from the medical staff of a state 
hospital to make examination and testify 
without compensation; Delaware (Ch. 241) 
— A state mental hygiene clinic is established 
which, among other duties, is directed to 



examine the inmates of any state or county 
institutions, or persons charged with any 
offense, when requested to do so by the judge 
of the court concerned; Massachusetts 
(Ch. 105) — Reports of examiners are made 
available to probation officers as well as to 
the court, the prosecution, and counsel for 
the defense; New York (Ch. 242) — Legal 
status is given to the psychiatric clinic at 
Sing Sing; Ohio (Senate Bill 149) — In coun- 
ties of over 300,000 population the court 
may appoint a psychiatrist, a psychologist, 
or other examiners or investigators; and 
(Senate Bill 8)— Courts are authorized to 
commit to a state hospital any defendant 
pleading insanity as a defense, and to ap- 
point not more than three experts to examine 
the defendant and testify. 

Consult: "The Law and Social Welfare," in 
Annals of the American Academy, September, 
1929; Cooley, E. J.: Probation and Delinquency 
(published by the author), 1927; Fernald, Hayes, 
and Dawley: A Study of Women Delinquents in 
New York State, 1920; Glueck, Bernard: First 
Annual Report of the Psychiatric Clinic, Sing Sing 
Prison (National Committee for Mental Hygiene), 
19 1 7; Glueck, S. Sheldon: Mental Disorder and 
the Criminal Law, 1925; Overholser, W.: "Psy- 
chiatric Service in Penal and Reformatory Insti- 
tutions and Criminal Courts in the United States," 
in Mental Hygiene, October, 1928, and "Use of 
Psychiatric Facilities in Criminal Courts in the 
United States," in Mental Hygiene, October, 1929; 
and Kuhlman, A. F.: A Guide to Material on 
Crime and Criminal fustice (prepared by the Com- 
mittee on Survey of Research on Crime and Crimi- 
nal Justice of the Social Science Research Coun- 
cil), 1929. 

Winfred Overholser 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 582. 

CLINICS AND OUT-PATIENT DE- 
PARTMENTS. The clinic has been defined 
as an institution which organizes the pro- 
fessional skill of physicians and provides 
special equipment for the diagnosis and pre- 
vention of disease or for the promotion of 
health among ambulatory patients. It cor- 



89 



Clinics and Out-Patient Departments 



responds to the ward service given to bed 
patients in hospitals. When attached to a 
hospital the clinic is frequently called the 
out-patient department, the term commonly 
used in England. The use of the term "dis- 
pensary" came about because the first insti- 
tutions were opened primarily to provide 
free medicine for physicians' charity patients; 
and in the modern clinic the name should 
be applied to that portion of the institution 
concerned with the giving out of medicine. 
Throughout this article the terms "clinic" 
and "out-patient department" will be em- 
ployed. Pay clinics are those in which doc- 
tors are remunerated and patients pay fees 
which cover the cost of service. In clinics of 
the usual type either no fees are charged or 
the fees are only nominal. A group clinic is 
an association of physicians, usually rep- 
resenting different specialties, who use a 
common plant and equipment with various 
degrees of closeness in organization and inter- 
relationships. The outstanding example of 
such a clinic is the Mayo Clinic at Rochester, 
Minn. The word clinic is also used to desig- 
nate a particular division or specialty. The 
out-patient department of a large hospital 
may have clinic services in specialties such 
as medicine, surgery, pediatrics, ophthal- 
mology, neuropsychiatry; ear, nose, and 
throat; orthopedics, gynecology, cardiac 
diseases, urology, dermatology, syphilology, 
or tuberculosis. In smaller institutions ser- 
vices in many specialties may not be available 
or may be combined. 

History and Present Status. The earliest 
clinic was opened in London in 1696. The 
Philadelphia Dispensary was established 
in 1786, the New York Dispensary in 
1 79 1, and the Boston Dispensary in 1796. 
Later, medical schools organized clinics to 
provide an opportunity for students to ob- 
serve patients not confined to bed, and since 
the early part of the twentieth century public 
health departments and voluntary health 
organizations have developed large numbers 
of clinics for the control or prevention of such 
conditions as tuberculosis, diseases of the 



heart, venereal diseases, and cancer. The 
number of clinics in the United States in 
June, 1926— the latest date for which in- 
formation is available— was 5,726. Of these, 
1,790 were out-patient departments of hos- 
pitals, 2,793 were unattached clinics, 923 
served special groups only, and 220 were 
group clinics. There were at that time 197 
clinics attached to hospitals for the treat- 
ment of nervous and mental conditions, and 
79 of the unattached clinics were for mental 
cases. Hospitals and sanatoria for tubercu- 
losis had 107 clinics attached to them and 
there were 585 unattached clinics for the 
tuberculous. One thousand unattached 
clinics for baby and child hygiene were re- 
ported, in addition to the 52 clinics con- 
nected with the children's hospitals. The 
350 clinics for the treatment of venereal 
diseases were all independent of hospitals. 

Not included in the above total are the 
pay clinics. The Boston Dispensary organ- 
ized the first one in 191 2. It was an evening 
clinic for wage-earning patients at which the 
fees were slightly higher than those charged 
during the day. Two of the best known pay 
clinics in the country are the Cornell Clinic 
in New York City and the University of 
Chicago Clinic, both of them conducted 
under the auspices of medical schools. The 
rapid spread of pay clinics is one of the 
modern tendencies in this field. Others are 
the following: integration of the out-patient 
department with the hospital; the closing 
of old type "dispensaries," and their affilia- 
tion with hospitals or conversion into health 
centers; the increase in clinic charges; 
greater emphasis on preventive work, as 
shown by the organization of child welfare, 
pre-natal, well-baby, and diagnostic clinics, 
and clinics for health examinations— either 
as out-patient departments of hospitals or 
operated independently by health depart- 
ments, settlements, churches, and health 
centers; the development of mental hygiene 
clinics; increasing appreciation of the im- 
portance of the hospital social worker; and 
the establishment of group clinics by physi- 
cians, especially in the West and Middle 



90 



Colonization 



West. See Health Centers and Hospital 
Social Work. 

Developments and Events, ig2g. During the 
year the propriety or impropriety of a 
clinic's advertising was an important subject 
of controversy. Dr. Louis Schmidt, a promi- 
nent urologist, was expelled from the Chicago 
Medical Society because of an indirect con- 
nection with the Public Health Institute. 
That institution, a non-profit-making organ- 
ization, has been conducted since 1920 by a 
board of directors composed of well-known 
Chicago business men for the treatment of 
persons of moderate means suffering from 
venereal diseases, and has advertised in 
newspapers and through posters. Because 
of this method of publicity the connection 
of any physician with it was adjudged unethi- 
cal by the Chicago Medical Society. Dr. 
Schmidt appealed his case to the Judicial 
Council of the American Medical Association 
before which it was pending at the end of the 
year. The gift of $900,000 by the Falk 
family of Pittsburgh to build a clinic for the 
medical school of the University of Pitts- 
burgh was perhaps the most important single 
benefaction of the year in the general clinic 
field. For reference to the Guggenheim gift 
for the establishment of dental clinics in 
New York City, see Mouth Hygiene. Dur- 
ing the year, also, the Julius Rosenwald Fund 
announced its intention of aiding in the de- 
velopment of pay clinics for persons of moder- 
ate means, and in the establishment of pay 
dental clinics in several representative cities. 
During the year a study of group clinics was 
made by the Committee on the Cost of 
Medical Care, and a study of the cost of out- 
patient service in 47 of its member institu- 
tions by the United Hospital Fund of New 
York City. 

Consult: American Hospital Association, Hos- 
pital Library and Service Bureau: Bibliographies 
on Dispensaries, 192 5- 1926 (References to later 
material will be compiled by the librarian on re- 
quest); American Hospital Association: Reports 
of the Out-Patient Committee in the Transactions 
of the Association. See also issues of The Modern 



Hospital, Hospital Management, Hospital Progress, 
and Hospital Social Service. 

Margaret Lovell Plumley 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 582. 

CLUBS FOR BOYS. See Boys' Clubs. 



CLUBS FOR GIRLS. See Girls' Clubs. 

COLLEGE SETTLEMENTS. See Social 
Settlements. 

COLONIZATION. Jews in small numbers 
were engaged in farming in this country even 
before the Revolutionary War, and the estab- 
lishment of agricultural colonies under Jewish 
auspices was attempted in the early part of 
the nineteenth century. But it was not until 
1 88 1, immediately following the first heavy 
influx of Russian-Jewish immigration, that 
colonization of these groups on an appreciable 
scale was undertaken. Within less than a 
decade thereafter at least 16 agricultural 
colonies were set on foot in various states. 
Usually the persons united in a colony were 
recently arrived Jewish immigrants, and they 
were established as agricultural groups on 
areas selected and purchased by those in 
charge of the movement. Owing to various 
causes — principally lack of guidance and 
inadequate financing — these colonies were 
short-lived, with the exception of those in 
New Jersey, which are still in existence. 
These failures pointed to the need of a direct- 
ing agency and led to the founding of the 
Jewish Agricultural Society in 1900, with 
funds supplied by the Baron de Hirsch 
Fund. 

Colonization of the type just described is 
no longer carried on. Activity in Jewish 
agricultural settlement is confined to the 
establishment of farmers as individuals, 
though the aim is to place each new farmer in 
a section where Jewish farmers are already 
working. The Jewish Agricultural Society 
is the sole agency active in this field. 



91 



Commercial Recreation 



Present Status. Jewish residents of New 
York and other cities who wish to engage in 
farming are advised regarding the purchase 
of farms. Since the World War over 1,000 
families have been established on farms, 
while more than 11,000 individuals have 
been advised as to farming possibilities. 
Jewish young men are also given an oppor- 
tunity to obtain training for farm work and 
to prepare for farm ownership through em- 
ployment on farms. Almost 17,000 positions 
have been filled since 1908 in 32 states. A 
further service is that of farm loans made 
against securities not usually accepted by 
loaning agencies. Repayment is spread over 
a term of years. Almost 10,000 loans of that 
character, aggregating $6,250,000, have been 
granted to farmers in 40 states. Through the 
society's extension department farmers are 
advised on the latest and most scientific de- 
velopments in agriculture; its field instruc- 
tors carry teaching to the farmer's door; 
a purchasing bureau is conducted through 
which farmers may buy approved materials 
and supplies at reduced costs; and agricul- 
tural cooperation is fostered. An agricultural 
night school for farm aspirants is maintained 
in New York City, agricultural scholarships 
are granted and loans are made to students. 
Higher sanitary standards are promoted in 
Jewish farming districts, and in cooperation 
with other agencies community centers have 
been erected for the advancement of reli- 
gious and social life among Jewish farmers. 

Since the formation of the Society the 
Jewish farm population has grown from 
scarcely 1,000 to nearly 100,000. This is due 
in part to the guidance and support extended 
by the Society, and in part to the natural 
momentum of the movement of Jews toward 
the soil. Jewish farmers are engaged in every 
branch of farming practiced in the country 
and are found in every state in the Union. 

Consult: Reizenstein, Milton: "Agricultural 
Colonics," in Jewish Encyclopedia, 1 901-1907; 
Robinson, Leonard G.: "The Activities of the 
Jews in America," in the American Jewish Year 
Book, 1912-1913; Davidson, Gabriel: "Our Role 
in Agriculture," in the American Hebrew, Novem- 



ber 22, 1929; and annual reports of the Jewish 
Agricultural Society. 

Gabriel Davidson 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. 

THE COLORED. See Negroes. 

COMMERCIAL RECREATION is a term 
applied not only to profit-making activities 
in the recreational field, but also to recrea- 
tional activities administered by city or 
county governments if a charge is made for 
the use of the facilities offered. If commer- 
cial recreation is to meet with success today, 
the facilities must be clean and adequate 
and must have the atmosphere of a club. 
When operated under public auspices, close 
attention is needed to make the activity 
self-supporting. A thoroughly successful 
recreation building is a family institution. 
Convenience to the home is therefore an im- 
portant factor in its location. A building in 
an amusement center ordinarily has good 
earning power, while one in a semi-commer- 
cial residential center offers a greater busi- 
ness risk. It, however, serves a greater 
social need. Bowling and billiards are the 
most remunerative activities in any recrea- 
tion building. At present a noticeable effort 
is being made by the owners of billiard rooms 
to raise standards and leave the term "pool- 
room" for race-track use. The recent in- 
crease in bowling revenues may be accounted 
for by the patronage of women. 

Before the use of automobiles became 
so general, amusement parks were usually 
conducted by traction companies. When 
trolley patronage declined most of the parks 
were closed. Shore properties in many 
states have survived, however, under muni- 
cipal control. Playland, at Rye on Long 
Island Sound, operated by the Westchester 
County Park Commission, is a notable 
example of success in this line. People will 
purchase the best recreation they can afford; 
and public operation, with profit eliminated, 
often furnishes a better type of recreation, 
at a lower cost, than is offered by private 



92 



Community Centers 



corporations. Many private golf courses in 
southern California have become semi-com- 
mercial enterprises. Their use as state at- 
tractions has been made particularly easy 
for guests, and the clubs have had a cor- 
responding increase in fees. In the average 
American city there are not sufficient public 
tennis courts to meet the demand. The 
nominal price of $1.00 an hour per court is 
often exceeded. Indoor swimming pools as a 
form of purchasable recreation show little 
profit. Recreation buildings erected by real- 
estate operators in order to promote the 
sale of their land have proved to be profit- 
able. Commercial recreation is built on a 
business basis. A close estimate of the 
probable gross receipts and expenses to de- 
termine the net income is necessary. In 
addition, care must be taken to provide for 
depreciation and suitable return on the in- 
vestment. 

Consult: Phelan, John J.: Pool, Billiards, and 
Bowling Alleys as a Phase of Commercialized Amuse- 
ments in Toledo, 1919; Burgess, E. W.: Pool 
Room Survey of Columbus (Central Philanthropic 
Council, Columbus), 1916; and Perry, Clarence 
A.: "Is Commercial Recreation an Octopus?" 
in The Playground, February, 1928. 

Harry C. Stone 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21 

COMMUNITY CENTERS or social cen- 
ters are places where neighbors may gather 
for civic, social, recreational, cultural, or 
other purposes regardless of race, political 
persuasion, or religious affiliation. The com- 
monest variety is the public school center in 
which the auditorium, gymnasium, or other 
rooms of the public school are used. In 
centers of the permit type permission is for- 
mally granted to a group— a Boy Scout or 
Girl Scout troup, an extension group from 
the Young Men's Christian Association, a 
church club, a social club formed by the 
children, or a group from an industry— to 
meet at certain hours on certain days. Less 
often a well-organized group of people main- 



tains a comprehensive community center in 
the school, or the public school authorities 
get the various groups together. Often under 
the latter arrangement there is a "house 
council" or "community council," made up 
of representatives of the various groups, 
that helps in the management. The term 
"community center" is sometimes applied 
to the social and recreational work carried 
on by churches, or to "Jewish centers" — 
buildings in which Jewish people conduct 
athletic, cultural, and recreational activities 
for their young people. Social settlements 
are also called "community centers" occa- 
sionally, or more often "neighborhood 
houses. " In a few cities buildings other than 
schools— chiefly in parks— are maintained as 
recreation centers or park buildings. 

History and Present Status. Recreation 
centers in public parks and social centers in 
schools were the first community centers 
other than the privately conducted settle- 
ments. They developed in the years 1905 
to 191 2. The earliest and most important 
work was done by E. J. Ward in Rochester, 
N. Y., where the idea of the center as the 
nucleus of district democracy flowered. In 
Chicago the small park system produced the 
most complete park recreation centers or 
field houses in the country. In New York 
and other cities community councils sprang 
into existence under war stimulus and con- 
ducted centers in schools. For long periods a 
few private organizations, formed for the 
purpose, have maintained democratic, repre- 
sentative, comprehensive centers. 

Although there has been a steady increase 
in the number of cities in which schools have 
been used for centers, and in the number of 
centers conducted, the prophecies of the early 
protagonists have not been fulfilled in any 
great measure since the centers have not 
proved powerful influences of neighborhood 
life. The idea has spread, however, munici- 
palities are extending the publicly con- 
ducted centers, and various private organiza- 
tions are fostering them. The development 
has shown several different stages. From 



93 



Community Centers 



centers for entertainment only, the centers 
became the seat of cultural activities; then 
neighborhood organization became a fad 
and almost a religion; war work for its period 
took the center of the stage, and latterly 
there has been a very diversified growth and 
a striking tendency to study the neighbor- 
hood and build programs on the basis of 
local need. 

In 1924 there were listed in The Com- 
munity Use of Schools, by Mrs. E. T. Glueck, 
1,569 school centers in 722 places reporting. 
Of these centers, 66 per cent were in places of 
over 5,000 population, probably more com- 
plete reports having been received from such 
places. However, the use of schoolhouses 
seemed to the author of that report to be 
more general in rural districts, because there 
are fewer gathering places and closer neigh- 
borhood relations. It is interesting to note 
that 41 per cent of the centers were in charge 
of paid workers, 42 per cent in charge of 
volunteers, and 17 per cent had both paid 
and volunteer workers. 

The outstanding feature of the activity 
today is the steady extension of community 
centers in all parts of the country, and under 
no one organized direction except as boards 
of education may occasionally stimulate 
them. In 1924, according to the report 
mentioned, 61 per cent of the school centers 
in the United States were being administered 
by such boards; in 16 per cent of the cases 
boards of education shared administration 
with private agencies, and in 1 1 per cent 
private organizations entirely controlled. 
By and large public management is applied 
to the more popular athletic and recreation 
activities, and through the granting of per- 
mits and partial supervision to activities 
carried on by private groups. A promising 
feature is the steadily improving equipment 
of the newer schools with dramatics, cooking, 
meeting, dancing, and other social facilities. 
Community houses, often properly called 
community centers, have had a varied his- 
tory, increasing rapidly in number as "me- 
morials" in the days following the war, and 
falling back to a rather steady development 



in later years. No thoroughgoing, country- 
wide study of any form of community center 
work has been made, and statements must be 
based on studies in various cities or sections, 
or limited studies of centers of one or another 
special type. 

The oldest, most extensive, and one of the 
most constructive sources of stimulation to- 
ward wider use of the school is the univer- 
sity extension course. Through such courses 
the state universities specially furnish organ- 
izing service and supply lecturers, experts, 
and pamphlet material on almost any com- 
munity or household problems. The degree 
to which this university service aids by 
direct and responsible organizing efforts 
varies, as does the type of service rendered. 
Package libraries, slides, and films are sent 
out in many states. Community betterment 
institutes are conducted in a few states. In 
one or two instances the community center 
aspect of extension work has become the 
dominating factor, and has resulted in a 
bureau of community organization or service. 
In almost every state in the Union the state 
department of education is assisting localities 
to establish school centers. The service 
rendered is similar to that of state universi- 
ties, but there is not the number of specialists 
to call upon. Several organizations, such as 
the National Recreation Association and the 
National Congress of Parents and Teachers, 
are stimulating the development. The Na- 
tional Community Center Association was 
formed in 191 3 at the meeting of the National 
Education Association and has held meet- 
ings subsequently during the conferences of 
the latter Association. Yearly its national 
conference is held with the American Socio- 
logical Society between Christmas and New 
Year, and in the spring a conference is 
held with the National Conference of Social 
Work. The latter is an innovation begun 
in 1929. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Employment in community centers is not 
to any great extent conditioned on special 
training for it in some educational institu- 



94 



Community Chests and Councils 



tion. To be competent to organize a center 
requires leadership capacity, considerable 
experience in organizing, and a well-rounded 
general understanding of social organization. 
Civil service tests are applied in some cen- 
ters; and in a considerable proportion of 
them teachers in the day schools, who are 
civil service employes, constitute the largest 
number of community center workers. Com- 
munity organization courses are given at 
Simmons College, the New York School of 
Social Work, University of North Carolina, 
Columbia University, Richmond School of 
Social Work, and in varying degrees of 
applicability in other places; and the Na- 
tional Recreation School, of the National 
Recreation Association, devotes attention to 
the problems involved in organizing com- 
munity centers or establishing a city system 
of centers. There is, however, little specific 
training for community center work as such. 

Consult: Glueck, Eleanor T.: The Community 
Use of Schools, 1927; Follett, M. P.: The New 
State, 1 9 18; Perry, Clarence A.: Wider Use of the 
School Plant, 19 10, and Community Center Ac- 
tivities, 1917; Ward, Edward J.: The Social 
Center, 191 3; Dewey, John: The School and So- 
ciety, 191 5; Hanifan, L. J.: The Community 
Center, 1920; and Rainwater, Clarence E.: The 
Play Movement in the United States, 1922. 

Leroy E. Bowman 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 582. 



COMMUNITY CHESTS AND COUN- 
CILS are agencies dealing with certain 
problems connected with the organization 
of social forces in local communities. Chests 
deal primarily with the coordination of 
finance, and councils with the coordination 
of social service, but both concern them- 
selves inevitably with the financial as well as 
with the social aspects of social performance. 
The considerations which have brought both 
into existence are similar, and there is an 
accelerating tendency toward local combina- 
tion under a single organization. Councils 

7 95 



and chests are therefore treated together in 
this article. 

History and Present Status. Significant 
events in the early development of the chest 
movement are the following: The combined 
financial campaigns in Denver from 1887 on; 
the Federation of Social Agencies launched 
in Elmira, N. Y., in 1910; the organization 
of the Cleveland Federation of Charities and 
Philanthropy in 1913; and the establishment 
of the Central Budget Committee of the 
Cincinnati Council of Social Agencies in 
191 5. By 19 1 7, 14 cities had organizations 
for joint financial operations, usually, how- 
ever, on a much more limited scale than 
in the community chests which succeeded 
them. 

The war chests of 191 7 and 1918 were 
forerunners in many cities of community 
chests. By 1922 there were 80 of the latter. 
In the successive years that followed the 
numbers were 123; 180; 217; 251; 297; 
315; and 335. In 1918 most of the chests 
and councils of the country united to form a 
national body now known as the Association 
of Community Chests and Councils. A 
conference is held annually at the time of 
the National Conference of Social Work. 
In 1929 chests ranged in size from that in 
Waterloo, N. Y., which raised $3,444 in a 
city of 5,000 population, to the one in Cleve- 
land, where $4,654,358 was raised in a com- 
munity of 1 , 1 50,000 population. Among the 
large cities only New York, Chicago, and 
Boston still have no chests. The advisa- 
bility of organizing community chests either 
has been studied or is now being investi- 
gated by agencies in those cities. 

Chests are not uniformly inclusive of the 
social agencies in their communities. The 
types of agencies which vary most in this 
particular, from city to city, are those such 
as tuberculosis associations and local Red 
Cross chapters which have well-developed 
means for raising funds locally. Thus, out of 
190 tuberculosis associations in chest cities, 
studied by the National Tuberculosis Asso- 
ciation in 1928, 104 were not members of 



Community Chests and Councils 



their local chests. In the "roll call" of the 
American Red Cross in 1928, 236 chapters 
participated in community chests, while 
a considerable number did not. It is also 
desirable that Jewish, Catholic, and Prot- 
estant agencies should all join hands in the 
movement with the non-sectarian agencies, 
but in some cases they do not. For example, 
in 49 of the 61 chest cities in which Jewish 
social work is significantly organized, the 
Jewish agencies participate in the chest 
movement; in the other cities they do not. 

By admitting agencies to membership, 
chests give them endorsement. Frequently 
v/here chests do not exist, and in some cities 
alongside of chests, endorsement committees 
are found. See Endorsement of Social 
Agencies. 

Pressing problems confront chests — some 
growing out of their financial responsibility 
to insure a reasonably adequate program of 
human welfare services, and others arising 
from the rapid spread of chests among small 
communities where the difficulties of organi- 
zation are great. If the first problem is in 
general to be met, increased support of social 
work from tax funds is necessary, as well 
as increased endowments, in proportion as 
chests reach the limit — temporary, at any 
rate — of voluntary support. Maintenance 
of local sources of income is also essential, 
in spite of the growing nationalization of 
business in terms of chain store and branch 
factory development. Research activities 
to meet these problems are referred to under 
a later heading. 

Another problem is the relation of chests 
to the national and state-wide organizations 
which draw their support in part from the 
contributions of individuals or constituent 
organizations in the different chest cities. 
Special budget hearings, attended by repre- 
sentatives of state and national agencies, 
have been held by chests, in a number of 
instances to good effect. A realistic recog- 
nition that chests are a phenomenon with 
which to deal practically rather than a de- 
velopment to be deplored and condemned 
has led a number of the national organiza- 



tions to set about gaining an understanding 
of the conditions under which support of 
such organizations through chests is likely 
to be achieved. This problem has been one 
of those discussed by the National Social 
Work Council, organized in 1922. Begin- 
ning prior to that date with an informal 
group of 12 executives of national organiza- 
tions, its membership now includes represent- 
atives of 22 such bodies. 

Early in the present century the move- 
ment for coordination of the service programs 
of social agencies resulted in the organiza- 
tion of councils of social agencies in several 
cities — Milwaukee (1909), St. Louis (191 1), 
Cleveland (1913), Cincinnati (1913), Min- 
neapolis (1916), and Chicago (1917). These 
organizations antedated the chests in their 
cities, but in Milwaukee, St. Louis, Cleve- 
land, Cincinnati, and Minneapolis they have 
since been merged to a greater or less de- 
gree in the chests. This is the usual develop- 
ment where both chests and councils have 
been formed. Exceptions are found, how- 
ever, in Buffalo, Pittsburgh, and Montclair, 
N. J. The principal cities in which councils 
have been organized without chests are New 
York, Boston, and Chicago. 

Among the social problems which are pre- 
sented with increased clearness under joint 
finance are the following: How many organi- 
zations are addressing themselves to prac- 
tically the same problems, and what should 
be done toward reducing the number of such 
agencies? What variation is there in the 
quality and cost of service rendered by 
similar agencies, and how can they all be 
brought to a proper standard of quality and 
cost? In what ways may agencies in differ- 
ent fields be related cooperatively to each 
other? In the interest of a symmetrical 
development of service, what practical limi- 
tations may be placed on certain agencies or 
types of work which are pressing for rapid 
expansion? Under what auspices should 
new work be developed to meet human needs 
discovered but not served by existing agen- 
cies? In practice, chests and councils attack 
these and similar problems through com- 



96 



Community Chests and Councils 



mittce activities ranging from the incidental 
investigation of a chest board and budget 
committee to the complicated research and 
coordination machinery developed by coun- 
cils in the larger centers. Louisville's "three- 
way council" is an illustration. Affiliated 
with the chest are a health council, a family 
and child welfare council, and a recreative 
council, each with a staff" secretary. Team- 
work between these groups was shown re- 
cently when a suggestion was made by the 
health council to the recreation council that 
the latter's plans for new recreation buildings 
should include space for health clinics. 

Uniform methods of accounting are basic 
to a chest program. Other joint efforts 
quite widely promoted by chests and coun- 
cils cooperatively include joint purchasing of 
commodities and joint bookkeeping service, 
especially for supplying service to smaller 
agencies, and joint office arrangements. 
So valuable is a well-organized social service 
exchange, and a proper community under- 
standing of its full scope, that the Associa- 
tion of Community Chests and Councils has 
accepted the former Association of Social 
Service Exchanges as one of its departments. 
Promotion of social legislation is more likely 
to be considered a chest function when it 
involves such questions as additional tax 
support of social welfare, while councils 
try to engage in legislative activities on this 
basis and broader ones. Individual agencies 
tend to seek the assistance of the council 
in legislative projects which interest them. 
Educational publicity is recognized as a 
joint activity among chest, council, and the 
member agencies. The early tendency to 
relieve the latter of responsibility in this 
matter has now spent itself. In well-organ- 
ized chests, service statistics are collected 
from member organizations either monthly 
or annually. The project for an inter-city 
registration of social statistics, carried on by 
the Association of Community Chests and 
Councils and the University of Chicago, grew 
in part out of such activities, for it had be- 
come apparent that service figures were 
essential for all agencies, public and private, 



whether in the chest or not. Detroit and 
Cleveland have made special use of the 
figures so gathered in fixing the budgets of 
member organizations. See Statistics of 
Social Work. 

Developments and Events, iQ2g. Conspicuous 
among the developments of the year was the 
organization of a new training course for 
chest and council executives. This took 
place in July, when Charles C. Stillman, 
formerly executive of the Grand Rapids 
Community Chest, became professor of 
social administration in Ohio State Univer- 
sity through an arrangement between that 
institution and the Association of Com- 
munity Chests and Councils. Both a full 
year's graduate course and a shorter course 
were announced. Apprenticeship in well- 
equipped chests was to be a factor during 
one-quarter of the graduate course, and sub- 
sequent to it in the case of younger students. 
A course in chest administration was also 
given in the New York School of Social 
Work. 

During the year 100 inquiries came to the 
Association from communities which were 
considering the organization of chests. New 
chests were recorded in 27 cities, and 14 
chests were recorded as abandoned. Only 
one of the latter was in a city of 50,000 or 
greater population. The 330 chests which 
held campaigns in the fall of 1928 and spring 
of 1929 raised $71,978,593. This figure in- 
cludes partial estimates in some cases. Cam- 
paigns in the fall of 1929 were jeopardized 
by the crash in the stock market which 
occurred in November, the month in which 
the largest number of chest campaigns are 
held. Nevertheless, as compared with 1928, 
a gain of nearly 4 per cent was shown in the 
amount subscribed by cities reporting for 
both years. 

Specific examples of financial difficulties 
were reported from chests in Detroit, Phila- 
delphia, Richmond, Va., Atlanta, Omaha, 
Indianapolis, and other places. On the 
whole, however, the results were surprisingly 
good. In Washington, D. C, the campaign 



97 



Community Chests and Councils 



of the newly organized chest brought twice 
the amount the member organizations had 
previously obtained, with an over-subscrip- 
tion of the goal by $150,000. Seattle also 
staged a spectacular comeback into the list 
of successful community chests after several 
years of difficulty. 

No marked developments in the principles 
or practice of joint finance were recorded 
during the year. The Hartford chest for the 
first time solicited subscriptions from cor- 
porations as well as individuals, a general 
practice elsewhere. The Cincinnati chest 
developed "industrial solicitation" in over 
500 factories, departing radically from its 
previous policy of soliciting employes of 
stores and factories at their homes. In Day- 
ton the Foreman's Club of 1,100 members 
was utilized in organizing industrial solicita- 
tion. In Harrisburg employes were asked 
to give at least $5.00. Those unable to do 
so were "frankly excused." The amount 
given by employes trebled, and the number 
contributing increased one-third. The Mem- 
phis and Jacksonville chests, in their indus- 
trial solicitation, emphasized "employes' 
fellowships"— permanent organizations of 
employed groups. The Indianapolis chest 
also used fellowships for publicity and policy- 
making purposes. Although chests some- 
what generally profess not to be so much 
concerned as formerly with the importance 
of the so-called "immunity rule" — the 
usual promise to contributors that they will 
not be solicited by constituent organiza- 
tions — no startling deviations from it were 
recorded during the year. Several chests, 
however, for the first time permitted the 
direct sale of tuberculosis seals by member 
tuberculosis organizations. 

Dallas, Denver, Grand Rapids, Portland, 
and Providence report difficulty in obtaining 
gifts from chain stores and branch factories. 
St. Louis is concerned because bank con- 
solidations affected giving. Seattle reports, 
however, that the sale of two large local 
department stores to national corporations 
did not affect their gifts. To assist in a solu- 
tion of this problem, a study was begun dur- 



ing the year by the National Bureau of 
Economic Research, under arrangement 
with the Association of Community Chests 
and Councils, a special fund having been 
raised for the purpose. 

Bridgeport and Harrisburg report that the 
campaign goal of 1929 was determined by 
the needs of the social work program, with- 
out reference to the total deemed possible to 
secure. In Bridgeport, to a greater extent 
than formerly, the needs in the various fields 
of social work were studied as a whole and in 
relation to one another, and less importance 
was accorded the demands made by indi- 
vidual agencies. Philadelphia studied al- 
lowances to national organizations with more 
than usual care. Such bodies were invited 
to submit budget material directly to the 
budget committee of the chest. By that 
means the chest grants to national organiza- 
tions were said to have been more nearly 
equalized. 

In the matter of raising funds for cap- 
ital expenditures, several cities, including 
Omaha and Tacoma, report the formulation 
of policies similar to those already approved 
by older chests. Combined campaigns for 
capital purposes, such as that promoted 
in Detroit in 1928, seem not to have called 
for such large sums in 1929. 

Organizations which joined chests during 
the year for the first time were in the main 
from fields in which agencies are included in 
some cities and not in others. The following 
types were represented: Hospitals in three 
cities, Catholic bureaus in two cities and 
leagues for the hard of hearing in two cities, 
and in one city each, a Big Sisters association, 
a Big Sisters home, a Camp Fire Girls 
branch, a bureau for the placement of colored 
children, a branch of the Volunteers of 
America, a legal aid society, a Catholic 
institutional church for Negroes, a child 
guidance clinic, a joint committee of the 
local Florence Crittenton Mission and a 
civic protective association, a prisoners' aid 
society, a Santa Claus club, and a branch of 
the Goodwill Industries movement. Five 
applications for admission were refused. 



98 



Community Chests and Councils 



The list of agencies which withdrew from 
chests during the year is in part drawn from 
fields of a similar character and is in part 
made up of organizations which felt a de- 
creased need, or no further need, for support 
from contributions. Included were the 
following: A home for the aged, a home for 
children and a "sheltering arms" home, 
because their endowments had increased; 
a Baptist hospital, which had become self- 
supporting; a "motion picture pity fund"; 
an animal refuge; a house of industry for dis- 
charged prisoners; chapters of the American 
Red Cross in two cities; and a Boy Scout 
organization. 

During the year Los Angeles established 
a council of social agencies and Philadelphia 
initiated a more inclusive council. In func- 
tional reorganizations and developments 
the most conspicuous changes were the crea- 
tion of departments, divisions, sections, or 
councils— in several cities which had not al- 
ready taken such action— on health, recrea- 
tion, families, and children. Next in order 
were the movements for organizing groups 
to deal with group-working or character- 
building agencies, settlements, illegitimacy, 
camps, crippled children, delinquency, the 
aged and transients. In two cities groups 
were formed to stimulate better administra- 
tion by public agencies, and in one com- 
munity — Kansas City, Mo. — a "federation 
of justice" was launched, with a central 
registry of cases handled by the courts. In 
most cases these groups were representative 
bodies of agencies in the council, without 
professional executives, though having the 
assistance usually of staff members of the 
council or chest. An exception to that gen- 
eral rule was the Neighborhood Workers 
Association organized in Kansas City and 
sharing a secretary with the Council. 

Among council activities during the year 
along lines which were new at least 
for the cities reporting them, that men- 
tioned most often, apart from the publica- 
tion of local directories of social work, in- 
volved the important function of improving 
the standards of work of member agencies. 



In Los Angeles formal "standards" were 
prepared for case working agencies; two 
cities devoted attention particularly to 
summer camps, two made important progress 
in districting their population for the coordi- 
nation of vital and social statistics, and St. 
Louis succeeded in having a social case 
worker employed in every children's home. 
Other added services, reported in each case 
from one city were: A central reporting 
system for statistical data in the family 
welfare field; uniform service records in 
social centers and family and children's 
agencies; a joint placement bureau for chil- 
dren's institutions; group insurance for em- 
ployes of the chest and council or of mem- 
ber agencies; and a plan developed and 
put into operation for the control of begging. 
Indianapolis published a handbook of social 
resources, stating the policy of all agencies 
serving individuals. 

During the year, also, professional courses 
along new lines were developed for special 
groups as follows: In Cleveland on "Ad- 
ministration of Institutions for Children," 
in Washington on "Administration of Social 
Work," and in St. Louis a new department 
was organized for training colored social 
workers. Developments of the year in the 
field of educational publicity were most strik- 
ing in respect to a new medium used — the 
sound film radio. Radio broadcasting seems 
to have been developed on a particularly 
effective basis in New York and St. Louis. 

Many studies were completed during the 
year under the auspices of chests or councils, 
but only the most brief summary of them 
can be given here. In the health field the 
Philadelphia hospital and health survey, 
the New York inventory of the work of 
all private health agencies, the Louisville 
health appraisal, and the New Haven health 
survey were conspicuous. In two other 
cities there were studies of public health 
nursing, and in one city each, studies of the 
following subjects were reported: general 
health services, clinic services, convalescent 
care, health examinations, and cost of medi- 
cal care. Outside of the health field, in addi- 



99 



Community Organization 



tion to a long list of studies of the work of 
individual local agencies, were studies of the 
following subjects or agency groups: school 
absences, homes for unmarried mothers, il- 
legitimacy, adoption, day nurseries, the 
social policy of courts, budget-making proc- 
esses, child and adult offenders, disabled 
adults, public and private relief agencies, 
agencies for leisure time, services to transient 
men, the Negro and Mexican populations, 
and the aged population of the city both 
within and without institutions. In addition 
to the preceding local studies the relation of 
Jewish federations to the chests in their cities 
was investigated by the Bureau of Jewish 
Social Research. 

Important studies were in progress during 
1929 under the auspices of community 
chests and councils in the following cities 
on the subjects named: New York City, 
settlements; Cleveland, informal health 
education courses, white and Negro case 
rates, and cost of desertion; Denver, the 
juvenile court and public health activities; 
Indianapolis, recreation; New Haven, social 
conditions in neighborhoods; Minneapolis 
and Boston, employment of the handicapped; 
Washington, prisoners' aid work, summer 
outing facilities, and care of transients; 
Milwaukee, the aged in their homes; Grand 
Rapids, hospital costs and coordination of 
public and private social work; Pittsburgh, 
relation of family and children's welfare 
work; Cincinnati, evaluation of the results 
of family welfare work; and Bridgeport, 
children's work. 

Consult: American Association for Organizing 
Charity: Financial Federations, 19 17; Devine, 
Edward T.: Welfare Federations (series of four 
articles in the Survey), 1921; Proceedings of the 
National Conference of Social Work, Section on 
Organization of Social Forces; McLean, Francis 
H.: The Central Council of Social Agencies, 1921; 
Persons, W. Frank: Central Financing of Social 
Agencies, 1922; Lee, Joseph: Shall Boston Adopt 
the Community Chest?, 1926; Norton, William J.: 
Cooperative Movement in Social Work, 1927; Dun- 
ham, Arthur: Community Councils in Action, 
1929; O'Grady, John: "Cooperation in Social 
Building," in The Family, July, 1929; Russell 



Sage Foundation Library: "Bibliography on 
Community Chests," in its Bulletin, June, 1929; 
and bulletins and other publications of the Asso- 
ciation of Community Chests and Councils. 

Homer W. Borst 

COMMUNITY COUNCILS. See Commu- 
nity Centers and Community Chests 
and Councils. 



COMMUNITY FOUNDATIONS. 
Foundations in Social Work. 



See 



COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION is a 
phrase used in several specific meanings, but 
referring in general in almost every instance 
to the social relationships immediately sur- 
rounding the individual and through which 
he is related to society, or to the processes 
through which those relationships evolve or 
are more consciously established. The uni- 
versal element in all usages of the term is the 
assumption of common interest of the indi- 
viduals involved, or of a state in which each 
is affected by the same set of conditions. 
This is indicated by the probable derivation 
of the word "community"; that is, being 
walled together as in a mediaeval town. 
The word "organization" is sometimes used 
to refer to the established and habitual set of 
relationships that form a network or com- 
plex of associational forms or groupings — 
the structure of that small social area im- 
mediately surrounding the individual. It is 
this meaning which the sociologist uses, 
particularly when engaged in community 
research. See Research in Community 
Organization. 

Attention was drawn to the community 
as a distinct field when it was first generally 
appreciated that change was occurring in 
fundamental communal associations and 
habits, and that the unity inherent in old 
neighborhood relations had largely been lost. 
There followed a more or less conscious 
effort for a constructed unity, and hence the 
term "community organization" has most 
often been associated with the effort to 
organize. The sociologist when he uses the 



100 



Community Organization 



phrase is likely to think of the long, slow 
process or processes that evolve; the ad- 
ministrator thinks of the activities he goes 
through to establish himself (or his organiza- 
tion) in the locality; the residents and par- 
ticipants think of the group experience in 
which they come together or are brought to- 
gether, usually for a purpose and always 
with some measure of give and take and 
assumption of leadership, developing thereby 
opportunities for ego expression and a feeling 
of security in their association and compan- 
ionship. Because it is a process of more or 
less conscious change, community organiza- 
tion connotes improvement or readjustment 
to new social needs, and also an effort to 
bring every one involved under the influence 
of the procedure. Ordinarily there is as- 
sumed a democratic system of control, but 
that is by no means the actuality in many 
forms of community work. 

Community centers, community councils, 
neighborhood associations, and to some ex- 
tent civic societies represent movements of 
the residents, or those interested in a given 
locality, to band together for common 
benefits. See Community Centers and 
Civic and Related Organizations. Most 
commonly the locality is a limited neighbor- 
hood of occasionally as few as 5,000 people 
in urban communities, and coterminous with 
the settlement in small towns. The mem- 
bers are ideally a cross-section or a majority 
of the residents, varying in complexity of 
composition with the homogeneity or hetero- 
geneity of the district. The organizing 
responsibility is assumed by one of the in- 
digenous leaders or by an outside person. 
Social settlements have many features of 
community organization. Their efforts, it is 
true, have chiefly concerned individuals, but 
by assisting them to reach their own best 
development, leadership in general neighbor- 
hood matters has often been stimulated. 

Institutions like the church find their 
concrete expression necessarily in local com- 
munities, and the establishment of their 
branches or institutions is often called com- 
munity organization. Latterly some local 



churches have adopted the designation 
"community" when they have made an 
effort to unite more than one denomination, 
or have endeavored more than is usual to 
serve everyone, or a majority, in the district. 
For this reason also social agencies, especially 
recreation agencies, often call themselves 
community agencies. There are, in addition, 
national organizations which seek to es- 
tablish units in towns, counties, cities, or 
neighborhoods of cities and to organize 
local support for them. They sometimes 
call the effort community organization. 

In one field particularly the affiliating of 
local organizations of related types is some- 
times called community organization, namely, 
the federation of social service agencies in a 
community chest or a welfare council. In 
such a federation there is seldom much 
participation of political, religious, or busi- 
ness interests except as the last named share 
in the control because of financial contribu- 
tions. There is inherent, however, the feel- 
ing of uniting and striving for improvement 
and adjustment. The city rather than the 
neighborhood or section of the city is 
the area of organization. See Community 
Chests and Councils. 

Le Roy E. Bowman 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. 

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION RE- 
SEARCH. See Research in Community 
Organization. 



COMMUNITY TRUSTS. 
tions in Social Work. 



See Foun da- 



COMMUNITY WELFARE SOCIETIES 
or ASSOCIATIONS. See Family Wel- 
fare Societies. 

COMPENSATION FOR INDUSTRIAL 
ACCIDENTS. See Industrial Acci- 
dents. 

COMPENSATION FOR OCCUPA- 
TIONAL DISEASES. See Occupational 
Diseases. 



101 



Compulsory Education 



COMPENSATION TO EX-SERVICE 
MEN. See Veterans. 



training and experience in both teaching 
and social service. 



COMPULSORY EDUCATION. Follow- 
ing the long struggle for the establishment of 
free schools, compulsory education laws were 
enacted in every state— first in Massachu- 
setts in 1852, and last in Mississippi in 1918. 
They are obviously child welfare measures, 
protective of the child's interests and those 
of the future state. Opposition came from 
parents and from members of certain church 
groups who held that the state had no right 
to prescribe the amount and type of educa- 
tion to be given children, and from parents 
who held that they were entitled to the 
earnings of their children. Enforcement 
bureaus still meet with active resistance on 
these grounds. 

Lack of uniform and efficient child account- 
ing techniques, coupled with uneven pub- 
lic sentiment regarding enforcement, renders 
national statistics on truancy and non-at- 
tendance unavailable. In only four or five 
states have adequate state systems of child 
accounting been established or projected. 
Truancy and non-attendance remain serious 
problems, especially in rural communities. 
According to the United States census, from 
6 to 27 per cent of the children between 7 and 
16 are not attending school, the percent- 
ages varying according to age. 

Problems of enforcement are most difficult 
in densely populated areas and in apathetic 
rural communities. The same home and 
community conditions which make com- 
pulsory education a necessary measure tend 
to defeat its purposes. Largely to meet 
these difficulties socialized movements of 
great importance have developed within 
the school, notably curricular adaptations 
of many types, the employment of visiting 
teachers, and the establishment of child 
guidance clinics. Study of the behavior of 
children has demonstrated the fact that 
punitive measures alone are socially in- 
adequate and unintelligent. Modern attend- 
ance departments are therefore being pro- 
vided with social case workers who have had 



Developments and Events, igig. Recent 
changes in this field, some of them especially 
marked during 1929, may be classified as 
follows: Improvement in enforcement tech- 
niques, chiefly in the field of child account- 
ing; a greater socialization of attendance 
services; important modifications within 
the school to adapt it more closely to the 
children's needs; and a trend toward the 
further extension of compulsory education 
and the corresponding further restriction of 
child labor. Significant in connection with 
the first of these trends was the conference 
of state commissioners of education held in 
1929 to consider standardization of methods 
and terms. During the year the State De- 
partment of Education in Ohio inaugurated 
the employment of a director of child ac- 
counting, and a thorough study was made of 
the administration of compulsory education 
in the state. In Indiana the required quali- 
fications for employment as attendance 
officers were raised. 

The most important legislative changes 
during the year were a Pennsylvania law 
(No. 210) providing for the certification of 
home and school visitors as attendance 
officers, and a Texas law (Ch. 97) lowering 
the minimum age for compulsory attendance 
to six years. California and Utah passed 
laws further regulating attendance at part- 
time schools. Oregon and Nebraska modi- 
fied their existing laws to define more care- 
fully minor particulars. 

Consult: Keesecker, Ward W. : A Summary of 
Laws Relating to Compulsory Education (Bulletin 
No. 20, Office of Education, United States De- 
partment of the Interior), 1928; Ensign, Forrest 
C: Compulsory School Attendance and Child 
Labor, 1921; Emmons, Frederick E.: City School 
Attendance Service (Teachers College), 1926. 

Newton H. Hegel 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 583. 



102 



Conferences of Social Work 



CONFERENCES OF SOCIAL WORK 
are one of the most important means, and 
historically almost the oldest means, through 
which progress in organized social activities 
has been promoted. In addition to what 
their programs provide, conferences afford 
opportunities to persons who face common 
problems to compare experiences, methods, 
successes, and failures and thus learn from 
one another. Besides the general confer- 
ences of social work — national, state, regional, 
and local — there are many conferences pro- 
moted by and for workers in special fields. 
When organized nationally, such conferences 
are usually built about the annual meeting 
of the national organization responsible for 
the gathering. Such specialized conferences 
are not considered here. Wherever the 
annual meeting of a national organization is 
a program meeting of the nature of a con- 
ference, that fact, together with the date of 
the meeting in 1929, is stated under the 
organization's name in Part 1 1 of this volume. 
Social work conferences of a general 
character have developed chiefly along 
national and state lines. In a few states 
conferences covering several counties have 
been organized, and a few cities have con- 
ferences of their own. The first Interna- 
tional Conference of Social Work, held in 
Paris in 1928, received a large part of its 
inspiration from the example of the National 
Conference of Social Work in the United 
States, and built its organization along 
somewhat similar lines. 

The National Conference of Social IVork was 
organized in New York City in 1874. It 
consisted of a group of officials of state 
boards of charities and the heads of state 
institutions, such as hospitals for the in- 
sane and penitentiaries. These officers 
had been attending the annual meetings of 
the American Social Science Association, 
but felt the need for a separate organization 
for the discussion of their particular prob- 
lems. For five years the new organization, 
called the National Conference of Charities 
and Correction, met annually with its parent 



organization, the American Social Science 
Association. The sixth meeting was held 
independently at Chicago in 1879. Since 
then meetings have been held annually, in 
a different city each succeeding year, so that 
through the past 57 years the Conference 
has met at least once in almost every large 
city in the country. Twice it has crossed the 
Canadian border to meet in Toronto. In 
191 7, at the meeting held in Pittsburgh, the 
changing character of social work was recog- 
nized and the name was changed from the 
National Conference of Charities and Cor- 
rection to the National Conference of Social 
Work. In connection with each conference 
a number of national organizations hold 
their annual meetings. At the conference 
of 1929 the following agencies, known as 
associate groups of the conference, held 
such meetings: 

American Association of Hospital Social Workers 
American Association for Labor Legislation 
American Association of Psychiatric Social Workers 
American Association of Social Workers 
American Association of Visiting Teachers 
American Birth Control League 
American National Red Cross 
American Social Hygiene Association 
Association of Community Chests and Councils 
Association of Schools of Professional Social Work 
Big Brother and Big Sister Federation 
Child Welfare League of America 
Committee on Relations with Social Agencies of 
the National Association of Legal Aid Organiza- 
tions 
Family Welfare Association of America 
Girls' Protective Council 
Inter-City Conference on Illegitimacy 
International Association of Policewomen 
Mothers' Aid Group 

National Association of State Conference Secre- 
taries 
National Child Labor Committee 
National Community Center Association 
National Conference of International Institutes 
National Conference of Jewish Social Service 
National Conference of Social Service of the 

Protestant Episcopal Church 
National Probation Association 
Salvation Army 
Social Work Publicity Council 
The Survey 

Since 1876 the proceedings of the National 
Conference of Social Work have been pub- 
lished annually. These volumes constitute 
a record of great importance to students of 



103 



Conferences of Social Work 



social work. They show new areas added, 
changing methods, and changes in concep- 
tions of the goal of social work. From the 
beginning it has been the policy of the Con- 
ference to take no official action on pub- 
lic or legislative questions by resolution or 
otherwise. The one exception made to the 
policy was in 191 7, when the following reso- 
lution was adopted: "In the present great 
national emergency, when the full strength 
of the nation, physical, mental, and moral, is 
needed, as never before, and when the con- 
servation of food-grain is of crucial impor- 
tance, we favor the absolute national prohibi- 
tion of the manufacture, importation, and 
sale of intoxicating beverages during the 
war and for at least one year thereafter." 

State and City Conferences apparently began 
to be organized about 1890. They now exist 
in 42 states, as shown in the following list: 

State Conferences of Social Work 
Note. Symbols used are: 
ft — Secretary employed on full time. 
pt — Secretary employed on part time. 
1 —Institutes or study courses conducted. 
a — Action taken on public questions. 

All conferences not otherwise indicated are 
called "conferences" or "state conferences" of, 
on, or for social work. The name and address, 
unless otherwise specified, is that of the secretary, 
and the month is stated in which the conference 
met in 1929. 

Alabama 

S. L. Peavy, Alexander City; April. 

Arizona (Association of Social Workers) (1) (a) 
Alice Jane Fulmer, Realto Apartments, Tucson; 
February. 

Arkansas (pt) (i) (a) 

Mrs. Lillian McDermott, 804 Wolfe Street, 
Little Rock; November. 

California (ft) (a) 

Anita Eldridge, Exposition Auditorium, San 
Francisco; June. 

Colorado (a) 

Agnes Donaldson, care Associated Charities, 
Colorado Springs; October. 

Connecticut 

Mrs. Norma C. Anderson, 732 Chapel Street, 
New Haven; May. 

Delaware 

Mrs. Patricia Manchester, Consumers' League, 
Ford Building, Wilmington; no conference in 
1929. 



Florida (1) 
Sherwood Smith, Dyal Church Building, Jack- 
sonville; March. 

Georgia (pt) 

Mrs. Edgar A. Davidson, 53^ Baker Street, 
N. W., Atlanta; February. 

Illinois (Conference on Public Welfare) (1) (a) 
Edna Zimmerman, Room 530, The Capitol, 
Springfield; October. 

Indiana 
William A. Hacker, 150 North Meridian Street, 
Indianapolis; October. 

Iowa (a) 
Mrs. Dorothy Tumy, Social Service League, 
Oskaloosa; October. 

Kansas (a) 

Herman Newman, 918 Kansas Avenue, Topeka; 
March. 

Kentucky (1) (a) 
Mrs. Lula D. Krakaur, 215 East Walnut Street, 
Louisville; October. 

Maine (Social Welfare) (a) 

Rose Pearl Danforth, 8 Brown Street, Portland; 
October. 

Maryland 

Paul T. Beisser, 31 South Calvert Street (Presi- 
dent), Baltimore; April. 

Massachusetts 

Howard C. Raymond, 35 Chardon Street, Bos- 
ton; September. 

Michigan (pt) (i) 

Mrs. Edith M. Dudman, 23 South Division 
Avenue, Grand Rapids; October. 

Minnesota (pt) (i) (a) 

Mrs. John J. Doyle, Administration Building, 
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis; Sep- 
tember. 

Mississippi (Social Welfare) (a) 

N. B. Bond, University Mississippi, University, 
October. 

Missouri (Conference for Social Welfare) (ft) (i) 

(A) 

Harold J. Matthews, 231 West Agriculture 
Building, Columbia; November. 

Montana (a) 

Emanuel Sternheim (President), 651 West 
Granite Street, Butte; November. 

Nebraska (pt) 

Ada M. Barker, Lincoln; November. 

New Hampshire (a) 

Mrs. Remick, Concord; February. 

New Jersey (ft) (i) 

Maud Bryan Foote, 42 Bleecker Street, Newark; 
December. 

New York (ft) (i) 

Mrs. Mary B. Holsinger, 23 South Pearl Street, 
Albany; November. 



IO4 



Conferences of Social Work 



Fifth Avenue, South, 



North Carolina (Social Service) (a) 

Harriet L. Herring, University of North Caro- 
lina, Chapel Hill; February. 

North Dakota (i) (a) 
Selma Karlstad, 1505 
Fargo; May. 

Ohio (Ohio Welfare Conference) (pt) (1) 

Perry P. Denune, 109 Commerce Building, Ohio 
State University, Columbus; October. 

Oklahoma (Oklahoma Association of Social 
Workers) (a) 
Mrs. Winifred C. Brown, United Charities, 
Muskogee; November. 

Oregon (Conference of the Social Workers Asso- 
ciation) (a) 
Elizabeth F. Goddard, 12 12 Buyers Building, 
Portland; November. 

Pennsylvania (Social Welfare) (pt) (i) 

E. D. Solenberger (President), 31 1 South Juniper 
Street, Philadelphia; February. 

South Carolina (pt) 

Margaret Laing, 228 Capers Building, Green- 
ville; October. 

Tennessee 

William C. Headrick, State Department of 
Institutions, 418 Sixth Avenue, North, Nash- 
ville; April. 

Texas (Social Welfare) 

Margaret Renkin, 541 First National Bank, 
Houston; March. 

Utah State (1) 

Lydia Alder, 28 Bishops Building, Salt Lake 
City; October. 

Vermont (a) 

Mrs. F. S. Locke, Community House, Spring- 
field; October. 

Virginia (1) (a) 

Arthur W. James, 103 State Office Building, 
Richmond; May. 

Washington (a) 

Marion Hathway, Sociology Department, Uni- 
versity of Washington, Seattle; June. 

West Virginia (1) (a) 

Mrs. Scott Camp, care Children's Hospital, 
Huntington; May. 

Wisconsin (ft) (i) (a) 

Aubrey W. Williams, 313 University Extension 
Building, University of Wisconsin, Madison; 
October. 

Wyoming 

Mrs. L. T. Cox, 420 West Pershing Boulevard, 
Cheyenne; October. 

The first state conferences were, as a rule, 
patterned in organization and method after 
the national body. Of late years, however, 
there has been a tendency to adopt instead 
a type of organization more closely related 



to the social needs of the particular state. 
Two additional trends in the work of these 
conferences are noticeable. The first of these 
is the development of study courses or insti- 
tutes designed to offer opportunities for 
training in the technique of social work. 
Originating in Ohio seven years ago, these 
study courses are now operated in one form 
or another in at least 17 states, as designated 
in the preceding list. Such courses furnish 
opportunity for short intensive study, 
usually about the equivalent of 15 hours of 
university work, under the direction of an 
instructor. Lectures are given and there is 
discussion of illustrative case material in 
some limited field and of particular problems 
brought in by members of the group. The 
courses are usually given a day or two before 
the opening of the state conference and are 
limited in attendance to about 25. All types 
of social workers have used these opportuni- 
ties. 

A second tendency noted in the develop- 
ment of state conferences has been the em- 
ployment of secretaries on full time. The 
functions of these secretaries — who are 
now employed in California, Missouri, New 
Jersey, New York, and Wisconsin— vary 
somewhat, depending on the policies of the 
conferences in the other matters referred to 
here. In eight additional states, designated 
on the preceding list, secretaries are em- 
ployed whose time is divided between the 
conference and some other organization, 
frequently the state university. 

Nineteen state conferences, following the 
example of the national conference, have 
taken no official action on public or legisla- 
tive questions. The Wisconsin conference, 
however, during 1929 helped to secure the 
passage of the so-called Children's Code — a 
revision of child welfare legislation which had 
been undertaken at the instigation of the 
conference — and 22 other conferences report 
that they take action on public questions. 
These conferences are indicated on the pre- 
ceding list. Other activities sometimes un- 
dertaken include giving assistance to local 
organizations or to local communities seeking 



105 



Convalescent Care 



to organize social work; also the making of ness must recuperate in their own homes the 



studies and surveys on a variety of matters. 

Local conferences have found little place 
so far in social work. New York, however, 
has had such a conference since 1910. Phila- 
delphia has had one for several years, known 
as the All-Philadelphia Conference. Cleve- 
land has had one, and Houston, Tex., held 
its first conference in 1929. Whether city 
conferences are to become a permanent 
feature of social work, even in large cities, 
is still problematical. 

Events of significance in the conference 
field during 1929 were the organization of a 
new conference in Arizona and the employ- 
ment of full-time secretaries for the first 
time in New York and Missouri. The year 
also saw the publication of the proceedings 
of the first international conference, and the 
beginning of organization for the second 
international conference, to be held in Frank- 
fort, Germany, in 1932. 

Consult: Proceedings of the National Conference 
of Social Work, 1874 to 1929, inclusive; and pro- 
ceedings of many state conferences. 

Howard R. Knight 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 583. 



CONFIDENTIAL EXCHANGES. 
Social Service Exchanges. 



See 



CONVALESCENT CARE. Convalescence 
may be defined as a period intervening be- 
tween acute illness and the recovery of nor- 
mal health. During this period many somatic 
and psychic adjustments take place in the 
individual patient. Recovery can be ex- 
pedited if the proper environmental condi- 
tions are provided, and proper convalescent 
care may forestall the recurrence of disease. 
A change in environment, which is often an 
asset in convalescence, is out of the question 
for most people except when it is provided 
for them at a very low cost in institutions 
created for the purpose. To those in mod- 
erate circumstances who after a period of ill- 



services of a visiting nurse may be of great 
value in rendering the home environment as 
conducive as possible to speedy recovery. 
But in many homes even such service is not 
obtainable, and it is for this class of patients 
that convalescent homes are a godsend. 

History and Present Status. The movement 
for institutional convalescent care, in the 
modern meaning of the term, is still in its in- 
fancy in this country, but physicians are now 
rapidly breaking away from the idea that to 
send a patient to the country after a serious 
illness is all that is necessary. Modern 
convalescent care is dynamic and creative in 
its nature. It provides patients with com- 
fortable surroundings, good food and rest, 
and by furnishing supervised recreation, 
selected occupation, games, educational 
guidance in hygiene, spiritual influences, and 
helpful association it seeks to save them from 
introspection and brooding over their illness 
and to prepare them for the resumption of 
normal life duties. Modern convalescent 
homes aim not only to restore patients to 
health, but to teach them the principles of 
rational living. The establishment of the 
Winifred Masterson Burke Relief Founda- 
tion in 1902 was a landmark in the evolution 
of modern institutional care for convales- 
cents. The energy, vision, and idealism of 
its director, Dr. Frederic Brush, have given 
impetus to the whole movement. In con- 
nection with the Burke Foundation a special 
endowment has been created, known as the 
Sturgis Fund, the purpose of which is to 
stimulate and publish studies in the field of 
convalescent care. 

The first serious attempt to study con- 
valescent care as a complement to hospital 
care was in 1924, when a survey of the hos- 
pital situation in Greater New York was 
completed by the Public Health Relations 
Committee of the New York Academy of 
Medicine. Following the publication of this 
report the same committee formulated de- 
siderata for proper convalescent care, based 
on studies by specialists in the several 



106 



Convalescent Care 



branches of medicine and surgery. As a re- 
sult the Hospital Information and Service 
Bureau of the United Hospital Fund, a New 
York City agency, created a special depart- 
ment whose purpose it is to coordinate the 
work of all the agencies in the city concerned 
in providing convalescent care, institutional 
as well as domiciliary. This department col- 
lects information concerning vacancies; helps 
to bring that information to the knowledge 
of the social service departments of hospitals; 
undertakes the placement of patients in 
country convalescent homes which have no 
admission offices in the city; collects statis- 
tics in relation to the number and types of 
patients served and those for whom facilities 
cannot be provided; furnishes all the insti- 
tutions with uniform record cards; and com- 
piles annually an annotated list of convales- 
cent homes which is a part of the general 
directory of social agencies of New York 
City. The department has made and pub- 
lished several important studies in its field 
and assisted in preparing a very useful book- 
let on Minimum Standards for Convalescent 
Homes, which was published by the Welfare 
Federation in 1928. It has demonstrated the 
need of a coordinated service of this type for 
all large cities. 

From the latest available directory of con- 
valescent homes, published in 1927 by the 
Sturgis Fund, it appears that there are only 
22 states in which homes for convalescent 
care exist, and on the basis of the bed 
capacity about one-half of the available 
facilities are within Greater New York or 
serve that city. Health and hospital in- 
ventories recently made in Cleveland, Cin- 
cinnati, and Philadelphia point out the 
lack of facilities for convalescent care. The 
burden of the recommendations of all these 
surveys is the need for reorganization of 
existing convalescent homes to meet reason- 
ably adequate standards, and for the for- 
mation of central clearing bureaus to study 
local needs and to promote better utilization 
of existing facilities. 

The demand for convalescent care is even 
more elastic than that for hospital facilities 



proper. Efforts to synchronize the discharge 
of patients from hospitals with admissions to 
convalescent homes make for better utiliza- 
tion of the latter. Trustees and managers 
of convalescent homes need to realize that 
their policies must fit actual conditions. As 
a rule the patients whom they prefer to 
accept are those who require the least atten- 
tion and are the least troublesome. This 
preference works to the detriment of others 
who may be needing care more urgently, but 
who have a disturbing cough, or who have 
need of a special diet which they cannot get 
in their homes, or who may be "queer." 
The time is rapidly approaching when con- 
valescent homes will agree on a principle of 
differentiation or specialization, and will not 
attempt to serve all kinds of patients when 
their facilities may not be equal to the vary- 
ing needs of the several groups. 

An adequate basis for determining the per 
capita need of institutional provision for con- 
valescent care in a community has not as yet 
been definitely established. It is very diffi- 
cult to do so, because conditions vary greatly 
from place to place. For large industrial 
cities an estimate has been 12 per cent of the 
existing hospital bed capacity. This is sup- 
posed to take into account the requirements 
of ambulatory patients as well. Judging 
from recently ascertained experience in New 
York, this empirical ratio will have to be made 
higher, as about 60 per cent of the patients in 
convalescent homes are referred from the 
out-patient departments. The average cost 
of convalescent care per patient per day is 
about $2.00, or two-and-a-half times less 
than the average cost in the hospital. Ade- 
quate facilities for convalescent patients 
have the effect of increasing the hospital 
resources of a community by relieving the 
hospitals of patients who no longer need full 
hospital care, but who cannot be sent to 
their own homes because the conditions 
there are unfavorable. Under the pressure 
of social service organizations the medical 
profession and society at large are taking an 
increasing interest in the problem of con- 
valescent care. There is need of further 



107 



Cost of Medical Care 



benefactions to make possible the develop- 
ment of this hitherto neglected field of pub- 
lic service. 

Consult: Brush, Frederic: "The Essentials for 
Convalescent and Sub-standard Health Care," 
in Hospital Social Service, May, 1927; Bryant, 
John: Convalescence, Historical and Practical 
(Sturgis Fund), 1927; Conklin, Charles R.: Some 
Problems of Convalescence (from supplementary 
volume to Billings-Forchheimer's System of 
Therapeutics), 1929; Corwin and Kidner: Stan- 
dards for Convalescent Homes — Policy, Organisa- 
tion, Planning, 1930; New York Academy of 
Medicine, Public Health Relations Committee: 
Institutional Convalescent (Sturgis Fund), 1925; 
United Hospital Fund of New York, Hospital In- 
formation and Service Bureau: Convalescence for 
N euro-psychiatric Patients — Report of Study of Re- 
sults in Two Convalescent Homes (Sturgis Fund), 
1925, and "Urgent Need of Facilities for Negro 
Convalescence," in Hospital Social Service, 
August, 1926; and Welfare Council of New 
York City: Minimum Standards for Convalescent 
Homes, 1928. 

E. H. Lewinski Corwin 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 583. 

CORRECTION, HOUSES OF. See Penal 
and Reformatory Institutions. 

COST OF MEDICAL CARE. Medical 
services cost the people of the United States 
an estimated total of two and a half billion 
dollars annually. Of this sum, more than 
$700,000,000 is being spent each year for 
drugs alone. Yet the expenditure of this 
large amount fails, under the present system, 
either to provide adequate care for people 
at rates within their means or to provide an 
adequate return for many of those who 
furnish medical services. It is apparent that 
most patients can pay little if any more for 
medical service than they are now paying, 
and it is equally apparent that modern 
scientific medicine cannot be made generally 
available unless the cost is somehow paid. 
In an effort to find a remedy for this situa- 
tion, several groups have been studying the 



subject recently. Among these is the Com- 
mittee on the Costs of Medical Care. It 
was organized in 1927 to make a five-year 
study of the economic aspects of the care 
and prevention of illness. The program of 
the Committee includes surveys of existing 
medical needs and facilities, studies of 
expenditures for medical services and of 
returns received by physicians and others, 
and analyses of specially organized facilities. 
On the basis of the facts gathered, the Com- 
mittee hopes to formulate a series of rec- 
ommendations which will point the way to 
the provision of adequate, scientific medical 
care for all at a reasonable cost, which at 
the same time will assure sufficient income 
to physicians, dentists, nurses, and others 
concerned. 

Governmental agencies have recently 
shown a growing tendency to supply cura- 
tive as well as preventive medical service 
to all citizens, regardless of economic status. 
This has been done largely through the ex- 
tension of school and university health 
activities; the adoption of workmen's com- 
pensation laws, providing in many cases for 
medical and surgical care; the conducting of 
maternal and infant welfare programs; and 
the admission of persons not public charges 
to government hospitals. In addition, com- 
munity hospitals, supported by taxation or 
in a few cases by voluntary contributions, 
have been established in a number of towns 
and counties, mainly in the Middle West. 
Medical service for industrial workers has 
been provided during the past two decades 
by a number of large companies at little or 
no cost to employes. The service is pri- 
marily for workers injured in accidents, but 
is often extended to cases of illness with a 
view to cutting short the period of incapacity. 
In a few instances the company provides 
medical care for members of the worker's 
family as well. An increasing number of 
department and other retail stores have 
similar health facilities for their employes. 

A few "pay clinics" now provide the ser- 
vices of specialists and the aid of diagnostic 
and therapeutic equipment at rates more 



108 



Cost of Medical Care 



nearly commensurate with the paying ability 
of the patient of moderate means than seems 
possible in private practice. See Clinics 
and Out-Patient Departments. Hospital 
service also is coming to be better adapted 
to the needs of persons of moderate means. 
Many institutions are providing beds in 
small wards, semi-private rooms, and inex- 
pensive single rooms at rates lower than 
ordinary private room service. There is a 
tendency to distribute, by various devices, 
the burden of special charges, such as those 
for use of the operating room. Financial 
adjustments for patients of moderate means 
are becoming increasingly common. Among 
these, provision for the payment of hospital 
bills in instalments is particularly interesting. 
Health or sickness insurance is available 
to a small proportion of the people. It is now 
provided chiefly through group insurance, 
almost exclusively of industrial workers; by 
commercial insurance companies in combina- 
tion with life or accident insurance; and to 
some extent by mutual benefit associations 
and fraternal orders. Group accident and 
health insurance, not including workmen's 
compensation insurance, now covers almost 
two million lives. The amount of such insur- 
ance has greatly increased in the past two 
years. At present, the benefits are cash 
payments only— usually a sum less than 
weekly earnings; and they are often paid 
for a limited period of three to six months, 
although much insurance is written by large 
companies by which payment is made for 
the length of the disability, or for life if the 
disability is permanent. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. During the 
year the Julius Rosenwald Fund inaugurated 
its program of assisting institutions to build 
up self-supporting services for persons of 
moderate means, the following projects 
being included: (a) pay clinics for persons 
of moderate means in which patients pay 
fees approximating cost, including remunera- 
tion for the physicians; (b) hospital projects 
for bed care of persons of moderate means, 
in which there is provision for dealing with 



the patient's total bill, i. e., both institu- 
tional charges and professional fees; (c) 
medical, dental, or nursing services for small 
communities or special groups, worked out 
in cooperation with medical societies and 
other local agencies; and (d) experiments 
in applying the principle of voluntary insur- 
ance or instalment payments in meeting 
bills for sickness. The Rosenwald Fund 
provides financial aid for the clinics of the 
University of Chicago, and has set aside 
$150,000 toward the operating expenses of 
a new hospital for patients of moderate 
means erected by the Massachusetts General 
Hospital of Boston. This new hospital, the 
Baker Memorial Building, was erected during 
the year. The schedule of fees to be charged 
was initiated by the staff; they are well 
under that now asked of private patients. 
The hospital at the request of the staff will 
act as collecting agent. The rates for pri- 
vate and semi-private rooms will be from 
$4.00 to $6.50 a day, including nursing ser- 
vice. The Rosenwald Fund contribution is 
expected to cover the deficit of the first 
years. Later, it is believed that the Baker 
Memorial Building will maintain itself on a 
self-supporting basis, not including interest 
or depreciation on invested capital. 

There were frequent discussions during 
the year among physicians and others of 
the economic aspects of medical care. The 
New York Academy of Medicine in its 
annual report condemned certain profes- 
sional abuses, such as the overcharging of 
patients of small means, and the New York 
County Medical Society announced a study 
of the medical and surgical fees charged 
people belonging to the middle class. In 
June the National Conference of Social 
Work devoted a section to the discussion of 
medical economics, and in October a sym- 
posium on that subject was held at the 
Hospitalization Conference during the Clini- 
cal Congress of the American College of 
Surgeons. 

Studies of the Committee on the Costs of 
Medical Care, completed or in progress dur- 
ing the year, related to the following matters: 



109 



County and City Homes 



Medical care for 15,000 workers and their 
families (a survey of the Endicott Johnson 
Workers Medical Service); the medical 
facilities of Philadelphia; the medical facili- 
ties of Shelby County, Ind.; irregular types 
of medical practice; the cost of sickness 
during a 12-month period among various 
representative population groups, including 
the incidence of sickness; bases for financial 
adjustments among hospital patients; the 
organization of medicine from an economic 
point of view; and the service of pharmacy. 
Studies made by other agencies in coopera- 
tion with the Committee on the Costs of 
Medical Care related to: capital investment 
and income in private practice; capital 
investment in hospitals and clinics; capital 
investment and income of dentists in private 
practice; and existing applications of the 
insurance principle to illness and accident in 
the United States. 

Consult: Davis, Michael M.: Clinics, Hospitals 
and Health Centers, 1927: Folks, Homer: The Dis- 
tribution of the Costs of Sickness in the United States 
(State Charities Aid Association, New York, Bulle- 
tin No. 178), 1928; Moore, Harry H.: American 
Medicine and the People's Health, 1927; Morgan, 
Gerald: Public Relief of Sickness, 1922; and pub- 
lications of the Committee on the Costs of Medical 
Care, and the Committee on Dispensary Develop- 
ment (United Hospital Fund, 151 Fifth Avenue, 
New York City). 

Harry H. Moore 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 583. 

COUNCILS OF SOCIAL AGENCIES. See 
Community Chests and Councils. 

COUNSELLING. See Vocational Guid- 
ance. 

COUNTY AND CITY HOMES. Institu- 
tions for the housing and care of the indigent 
poor, carried on under public auspices, are 
known variously as almshouses, poorhouses, 
poor farms, county or city homes, and in- 
firmaries. They began to appear among the 



colonies of the Atlantic seaboard about the 
year 1700. Prior to that time, and indeed for 
a century and a half thereafter, the older 
communities followed a practice of farming 
out the care of the poor, or "paupers" as 
they were then usually called, to the highest 
bidder. This occurred as a rule when the 
town's paupers were so few that providing a 
house for them was more expensive than 
farming them out. The stipend offered by 
the successful bidder varied according to the 
amount of service that could be got out of 
the dependent. 

Public homes in their earliest form, and in 
fact until comparatively recent times, rep- 
resented the only receptacle for the indoor 
care of dependents except jails and prisons. 
In such homes were found idiots, maniacs, 
drunkards, prostitutes, vagrants, infants 
born on the premises, dependent widows, 
and the aged and infirm. Loathsome syph- 
ilitics mingled freely v/ith the old and 
young. The benefits of isolation were in 
general little understood, and never 
practiced, except in the dramatic case of 
smallpox. 

The history of homes for the poor has been 
a story of slow and hesitant classification. 
The first movement toward the elimination 
of special classes was through the develop- 
ment of orphan asylums and the boarding out 
of children removed from the poorhouse. 
This trend began as early as the first quarter 
of the last century. The next group to be 
separately cared for was that of the insane, 
at the middle of the century; the third, the 
feeble-minded; and the fourth, quite re- 
cently, the able-bodied vagrant. These 
developments have not proceeded with equal 
rapidity, and no one of them has yet been 
satisfactorily accomplished. A further clas- 
sification, coincident with the up-growth of 
constructive programs of public health, has 
been the segregation within the poorhouses 
of those afflicted with infectious diseases, 
notably tuberculosis, syphilis, and gonorrhea. 
In so far as this long process of classification 
has been effective, it has transformed the 
city or county home into an infirmary, 



I IO 



County and City Homes 



chiefly for the aged poor; and with this 
change of purpose has come a marked change 
in location and method of construction. The 
unclassified poor farm called for cattle and a 
broad expanse of tillable land. With the dis- 
appearance of the able-bodied, the farm has 
shrunk to a truck patch sufficient to pro- 
vide green vegetables for the inmates. The 
large general barracks have given way to a 
central administration section, with rooms 
and separated dormitory provision for males 
and females. In large city communities the 
plant has developed into an extensive hospi- 
tal for the chronically sick, in which the 
hospital is the central feature, and the living 
quarters of well inmates occupy the position 
of wards for ambulatory patients. In rural 
areas the number of public charges has so 
decreased that many jurisdictions have 
united in the ownership of district institu- 
tions. In others, legislation is being sought 
which will allow such consolidations. 

In the treatment of aged public depend- 
ents there is a modern tendency to board 
individuals, especially aged couples, in 
family homes. This parallels a further 
tendency, through district nursing service, 
to provide nursing for aged chronics in their 
own homes. On the other hand it is likely 
that the recent extension of the expectancy 
of life, through medical progress, has intensi- 
fied the movement toward public infirmaries 
for the chronically sick by preserving more 
people for the infirmities of adult life. Some 
of these become public charges. The marked 
change in the nature of the poorhouse has 
brought about material changes in methods 
of administration. In place of a boss fore- 
man driving large gangs of laborers, and 
doing little more than keeping his inmates 
in safe custody, is a superintendent who is 
more nearly a sympathetic administrator, 
who provides light recreational tasks as 
occupational therapeutics and who, if not a 
physician himself, makes use of medical 
assistance wherever needed. 

The development of social work in the 
field of relief is largely responsible for the 
growth of another feature in the modern 



infirmary, namely, the volunteer county 
home visitor. These persons, chosen for 
their general interest in public welfare, visit 
the institution, and report usually to super- 
visory boards or to executive officers. I n this 
way they represent the interest of the public 
in the standard of care provided. 

In most communities the position of 
superintendent of the city or county home is 
still unclassified, so far as preparation and 
training are concerned, though in some 
states it falls under civil service regulations. 
Of importance in this connection is the fact 
that in 1929 the New York School of Social 
Work added a department for the training 
of institution executives. 



Legislation, ig2Q. The laws passed during 
the year illustrate the trends noted above. 
Pennsylvania (No. 475), Tennessee (Ch. 
135), Michigan (No. 178), and New York 
(Ch. 61) authorized the construction of in- 
firmaries for the chronic sick in connection 
with city or county homes, and Kansas (Ch. 
150) and Florida (Ch. 14,221) authorized 
the discontinuance of poor farms. Arizona, 
however (Ch. 33), after the manner of a 
century ago, re-enacted the authorization 
to its boards of supervisors to sell the 
care of the poor to the "best responsible 
bidder." 

Consult: Bardwell, Francis: The Adventure of 
Old Age, 1926; Bureau of Labor Statistics, United 
States Department of Labor: Care of Aged Persons 
in the United States, Bulletin No. 489, 1929; Ell- 
wood, C. A.: The Conditions of the County Alms- 
houses in Missouri (University of Missouri, Colum- 
bia), 1904; Johnson, Alexander: Almshouse Con- 
struction and Management (Russell Sage Founda- 
tion), 191 1 ; Brown, R. M.: Public Poor Relief in 
North Carolina, 1928; Kelso, Robert W.: History 
of Public Poor Relief in Massachusetts, 1922; and 
United States Census Bureau: Paupers in Alms- 
houses, 1923, 1925. 

Robert W. Kelso 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 583. 



Ill 



Crime Commissions 



COUNTY BOARDS OR DEPARTMENTS 
OF HEALTH. See Public Health, 
Local Agencies. 

COUNTY BOARDS OR DEPARTMENTS 
OF PUBLIC WELFARE. See Public 
Welfare, Local Agencies. 

COUNTY INFIRMARIES. See County 
and City Homes. 

COUNTY JAILS. See Penal and Re- 
formatory Institutions. 

COURTS OF DOMESTIC RELATIONS. 
See Domestic Relations Courts. 

CREDIT UNIONS. See Small Loans. 

CRIME COMMISSIONS in the United 
States are practically all a product of the 
period immediately following the World 
War. Their total number cannot be defi- 
nitely stated, but evidence points to more 
than 30. The first was the Chicago Crime 
Commission, created at the suggestion and 
under the auspices of the Chicago Association 
of Commerce in 1919; the second was the 
Cleveland Association for Criminal Justice, 
192 1 ; the third, the Baltimore Criminal 
Justice Commission, 1922; and the fourth 
the Missouri Association for Criminal 
Justice, 1924. The following list of such 
commissions was compiled by Agnes Thorn- 
ton, of the Law School of Columbia Univer- 
sity, after correspondence with the com- 
missions and other interested bodies: 

Active in 1929 
National or State Commissions 
National Commission on Law Observance and 

Enforcement (organized 1929) 
National Crime Commission 
California Crime Commission 
Illinois Association for Criminal Justice 
Indiana Committee on Observance and Enforce- 
ment of Law 
Michigan State Crime Commission 
Missouri Association for Criminal Justice 
Montana Crime Commission (organized, 1929) 
New York State Crime Commission 
Rhode Island Criminal Law Advisory Commission 
Virginia Commission on Crime and Penal Affairs 
(organized, 1929) 



City Commissions 

Baltimore Criminal Justice Commission 

Chicago Crime Commission 

Cincinnati Regional Crime Commission (organized, 

1929) 
Cleveland Association for Criminal Justice 
Detroit Citizens Crime Commission (organized, 

1929) 
New York City Police Department Commission 

on Crime Prevention 
Philadelphia Criminal Justice Association 

Inactive or Discontinued 
National or State Commissions 
American Crime Study Commission 
Iowa Vigilante Committee 
Kansas Crime Commission 
Commission to Study Crime in Kentucky 
Louisiana Commission for Reform of Criminal 

Procedure 
Minnesota Crime Commission 
Nebraska Crime Commission 
New Hampshire State Crime Commission 
New Jersey State Crime Commission 
Pennsylvania Crime Commission 

City Commissions 

Crime Suppression League of Dallas 

Denver Crime Prevention Committee of the 

Chamber of Commerce 
Des Moines Crime Commission 
Evanston Crime Commission 
Houston League for Suppression of Crime 
Loyalty to Law League, Houston 
Memphis Crime Commission 
Law Enforcement Association, Minneapolis 

The variation in powers, purposes, and 
accomplishments of these crime commis- 
sions is great. Some are public and govern- 
mental, others are private. In the preceding 
list all the state and national commissions, 
except those in Missouri and Illinois, are 
public. All the city commissions, except 
the New York City Police Department Com- 
mission on Crime Prevention, are private. 

Distinction must also be observed between 
commissions created for the purpose of 
making a study or a survey of some aspect of 
the crime situation, and which are therefore 
temporary, and those created as permanent 
civic agencies. The first group may be 
called the survey type, the second the sur- 
veillance type. All state or national organi- 
zations are survey commissions, although 
the extent and character of their studies 
vary widely; all the city commissions, ex- 
cept the one in New York City, are sur- 
veillance commissions. 



112 



Crime Commissions 



Survey Commissions. The first survey of crim- 
inal justice in this country was conducted by 
the City Council Committee on Crime of Chi- 
cago in 191 5. The chairman was Alderman 
Charles E. Merriam. The report included a 
study of statistics relating to crime in Chi- 
cago by Edith Abbott; one on the underlying 
causes and practical methods for preventing 
crime by Robert H. Gault, of Northwestern 
University; and one on criminal conditions 
by Morgan L. Davies and Fletcher Dobyns. 
The next survey was made by the Cleve- 
land Foundation in 1922 and was published 
under the title of Criminal Justice in Cleve- 
land. The third was made in 1926 by the 
Missouri Association for Criminal Justice 
and published as The Missouri Crime Survey. 
Reports of other noteworthy surveys have 
been those of the Georgia Department of 
Public Welfare in 1926; of the New York 
State Crime Commission in 1927, 1928, and 
1929; of the Illinois Association for Criminal 
Justice, entitled, The Illinois Crime Survey, 
in 1929; and of the Pennsylvania Crime 
Commission, submitted to the legislature 
January 1, 1929. While other commissions, 
notably those of California, Louisiana, 
Rhode Island, and Minnesota, have pub- 
lished short reports, the Cleveland, Missouri, 
New York State, and Illinois reports are 
comprehensive and well-known discussions 
of various aspects of crime and need not be 
reviewed here. Other commissions have 
generally dealt in a rather sketchy way with 
details of procedure, and for the most part 
have devoted themselves to the recommenda- 
tion of legislation. A rather unique con- 
tribution, however, was made by the Louisi- 
ana survey in 1928. It recommended a 
complete new criminal code, which was 
adopted by the legislature with a few changes 
and is now in operation. An interesting 
feature of this enactment was provision for 
the state-wide collection of criminal statis- 
tics from all the parishes of the state. One 
of the noteworthy contributions to the study 
of crime in 1929 was the first compilation of 
this material, included in the report of the 
attorney general of the state. 



Included among commissions of the survey 
type is the National Commission on Law 
Observance and Enforcement, the appoint- 
ments to which were announced on May 20 
1929. The members were: George W 
Wickersham, chairman; Newton D. Baker 
Frank J. Loesch, Roscoe Pound, William I 
Grubb, Monte M. Lemann, William S 
Kenyon, Kenneth R. Mackintosh, Paul J 
McCormick, Henry W. Anderson, and Ada 
L. Comstock. Max Lowenthal was later 
made secretary. Congress appropriated 
$250,000 for the work. The President de- 
fined the scope of the Commission's work 
as including a critical consideration of the 
entire federal machinery of justice, the 
whole question of law enforcement and 
organization of justice, methods of enforcing 
the Eighteenth Amendment, together with 
the enforcement of the laws in respect to 
narcotics, immigration, trade restraint, and 
every other branch of federal government law 
enforcement. (For the several subcommit- 
tees see the Commission's listing in Part II of 
this volume.) Experts have been appointed 
to conduct the research in the different 
fields. They include August Vollmer, L. J. 
O'Rourke, Herman Adler, Alfred Bettman, 
Walter H. Pollack, Zechariah Chafee, Sam 
Warner, Edith Abbott, Mary van Kleeck, 
Miriam Van Waters, Goldthwaite Dorr, 
Sidney P. Simpson, Amos W. W. Woodcock, 
Joseph C. Hutcheson, Jr., Emma A. Winslow, 
William M. Brown, Stewart Paton. Hast- 
ings H. Hart is chairman of the Advisory 
Committee on Penal Institutions, Probation 
and Parole. Miriam Van Waters, under the 
joint auspices of this Committee and the 
White House Conference on Child Health 
and Protection, will direct a nation-wide 
survey of juvenile delinquency. 

It would be probably an impossible under- 
taking to measure the results of the surveys 
of criminal justice that have been made, and 
likewise difficult to summarize what they 
have recorded. A few personal observa- 
tions based upon a rather intimate con- 
nection with many of them is probably 
the best that can be attempted: (1) The 



113 



Crippled Children 



total amount of information of a scientific 
and also of a general nature published by 
these commissions is very important. They 
have provided students with considerable 
subject matter for interpretation. Owing, 
however, to the difficulties attendant upon 
the publication of such extensive studies, it 
has been impossible for the surveyors prop- 
erly to summarize and interpret their own 
subject matter. (2) Many of the recom- 
mendations made have little relation to the 
subject matter of the reports. This, how- 
ever, is not new to surveys of criminal 
justice. It has usually been true of the sur- 
vey method. The facts collected often do not 
justify any conclusions or recommendations, 
and the surveyor is compelled to offer his 
own, which are largely a guess as to what 
should be done. (3) Most surveys have been 
conducted for the purpose of improving the 
administration of criminal justice in order 
that more offenders may be arrested and 
convicted. Thus the objective of most of 
these surveys has been greater efficiency in 
dealing with crime. Interesting deviations 
appear in the reports of the New York Crime 
Commission which have dealt with the causes 
of crime, and in the report of the Illinois 
crime survey. 

Surveillance Commissions. The Chicago 
Crime Commission, established in 19 19, has 
been the most effective of the surveillance 
type of commissions. Fundamentally the 
work of such commissions can be described 
in terms of what the Chicago Commission 
has been doing during the 10 years of its 
existence. Its purpose is to watch the whole 
process of judicial administration in Chicago 
from the arrest to the conviction of the ac- 
cused. It is not concerned with the causes 
of crime or with penal treatment. Every 
legal step in a case is recorded. Thus the 
Commission provides a complete check upon 
all cases passing through the courts. In 
addition it employs "observers" who are 
constantly present in the criminal courts to 
watch for undesirable conditions and to 
report upon them. From time to time it 



makes special investigations of prosecutions 
and issues reports which in a general way 
describe the conditions which prevail in the 
criminal courts of the city. 

The Cleveland Association for Criminal 
Justice, established in 1922, is modeled after 
the Chicago Commission. Its financial sup- 
port has been much less, however, and the 
scope of its operations therefore restricted. 
The Baltimore Criminal Justice Commission 
operates on a similar basis. For years these 
three commissions were the only ones of the 
kind in the country, but in 1929 the Phila- 
delphia Criminal Justice Association was 
established and similar organizations were 
planned for Cincinnati and Detroit. The 
value of crime commissions of this sur- 
veillance character cannot be precisely 
measured, for their results must be sought in 
the increased efficiency and honesty of the 
public agencies that administer justice. It is 
the writer's opinion that improvement in 
such administration has been significant, 
and in every way justifies the existence of 
the agencies. 

The National Crime Commission differs 
from both groups of commissions here dis- 
cussed. It was established in 1925 by pri- 
vate initiative, and its chief purpose has been 
to promote and encourage the establishment 
of crime commissions throughout the country. 
In addition, however, it has created several 
committees which have published reports on 
different aspects of criminal justice. 

Consult: The reports of commissions, and their 
pending studies, as referred to in the preceding 
text. 

Raymond Moley 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 583. 

CRIPPLED CHILDREN. A crippled 
child has been variously defined, perhaps 
best by the New York State Commission for 
Crippled Children in 1925 as, "one whose 
activity is, or due to a progressive disease 
may become, so far restricted by loss, defect 



114 



Crippled Children 



or deformity of bones or muscles as to reduce 
normal capacity for education and self- 
support." Since the federal census makes 
no record of cripples, the exact number of 
crippled children in the United States is not 
known. In 1927 the International Society 
for Crippled Children, using returns from 
several large surveys as a basis, estimated 
the total number of such children under 16 
as 349,125, and of those under 21 as about 
500,000. 

The problem of the cripple is even more a 
child welfare problem than is the case with 
the blind. Of the cripples found in the 
Cleveland survey of 191 5, almost one-half 
(49 per cent) had been disabled before they 
reached 1 5 years of age, and over one-third 
(34 per cent) before they were 5 years old. 
The New York survey of 1919 found that 63 
per cent of the cripples included had been 
disabled before they were 16 years of age. 
See Cleveland Cripple Survey (Publications 
of the Red Cross Institute for Crippled and 
Disabled Men, Series II, No. 3), 1918, and 
Survey of Cripples in New York City (New 
York Committee on After Care of Infantile 
Paralysis Cases), 1920. 

Infantile paralysis is the leading cause of 
orthopedic handicaps among children. Bone 
and joint tuberculosis, formerly the major 
cause, now ranks second, or in some surveys 
third or even fourth. The following per- 
centages for causes of the crippling of 6,507 
child patients were obtained in 1924 by com- 
bining figures obtained from 18 orthopedic 
hospitals and 1 5 convalescent institutions in 
many states: Infantile paralysis, 27.2; bone 
and joint tuberculosis, 23.7; congenital 
deformities, 13.1; rachitic conditions, 8.0; 
injuries, 4.2; osteomyelitis, 3.6; and other 
causes, 20.2. Tuberculous crippled children 
most often need institutional care. Surveys 
covering also the crippled who are not in 
institutions often show one-third to one- 
half who are crippled by infantile paralysis; 
for example, in Cleveland this accounted for 
41 per cent of the cases under 15 years. 

That efforts for children already crippled are 
justified on economic as well as humanitarian 



grounds is indicated by the large proportion 
of cured or greatly improved, especially when 
early treatment has been given. A study 
made in 1924 by the Gillette State Hospital 
of Minnesota for Crippled Children showed 
that out of 3,219 former patients, 37 per cent 
had been cured, 45 per cent improved, and 
only 18 per cent not greatly helped. 

Prevention of crippling by poliomyelitis 
will probably be advanced by the labora- 
tory research now being carried on under 
grants from the Milbank Memorial Fund and 
other sources at several hospitals and insti- 
tutions. Prevention of other causative 
factors has made real progress through im- 
proved milk inspection, better dietary and 
living conditions, and safety campaigns. 
Much secondary prevention is in the form of 
early care which seeks to forestall deformity. 
An important step in any preventive pro- 
gram is to find out where the children are 
who have had progressive diseases or acci- 
dents, and who may become permanently 
crippled unless proper treatment and care 
are immediately provided. Accordingly, 
states often require the registration through 
the school census of all crippled children of 
school age; and in a few states, under recent 
special laws, school census takers are re- 
quired to report also any crippled children 
whom they can discover who are under the 
minimum school age. In five states, fur- 
thermore—Wisconsin, New Jersey, Michi- 
gan, Missouri, and Ohio— the birth certifi- 
cate calls for the recording of congenital 
deformity. In at least one state — Minnesota 
— any physician knowing of a crippled child 
is required to report the case to the State 
Board of Health. 

History and Present Status. The first insti- 
tution in the United States primarily for the 
care of cripples was the Hospital for the 
Ruptured and Crippled, opened in New 
York in 1863. Three years later, in the same 
city, the New York Orthopaedic Dispensary 
and Hospital was organized. The Home 
of the Merciful Saviour for Crippled Chil- 
dren, founded in Philadelphia in 1882, was 



115 



Crippled Children 



the first institution offering permanent care. 
The only existing institution for colored 
crippled children, the House of St. Michael 
and All Angels, was opened in Philadelphia 
in 1887. The Minnesota State Hospital for 
Crippled Children, established in 1897, was 
the first state institution for this group. 
Other state hospitals were founded by New 
York in 1900; Nebraska in 1905; and Massa- 
chusetts in 1907. 

In reply to inquiries made by the Inter- 
national Society for Crippled Children in 
1924, 92 orthopedic and general hospitals 
reported 5,381 beds for crippled children, 
with 51 more not reporting their number of 
beds; 41 convalescent hospitals and sana- 
toria reported 2,449 beds for crippled chil- 
dren, with 4 others not reporting as to beds; 
while 14 custodial institutions reported 656 
beds, and 4 did not give capacity. In addi- 
tion, 15 summer camps for crippled children 
were reported. This was a great advance in 
facilities over those found in a study made in 
1914 under the auspices of the Russell Sage 
Foundation. Clinics for diagnosis and fol- 
low-up purposes have been developed in 
many states, including California, Kentucky, 
Maryland, Minnesota, New York, Ohio, 
Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Vermont. 
Care for some convalescents has been ar- 
ranged in selected foster homes, especially in 
Boston. 

The past decade has seen a great expansion 
of work for crippled children by large private 
organizations. The International Society 
for Crippled Children, founded in 1921, with 
Edgar F. Allen as president and Harry H. 
Howett as secretary, is a clearing-house for 
33 state and 2 Canadian provincial societies, 
besides maintaining affiliations with Euro- 
pean agencies. Rotary, Kiwanis, Lions, 
Optimist, Civitan, and other business men's 
clubs, the Elks, Shriners and other Masonic 
groups, and the American Legion are among 
the strongest supporters of work for crippled 
children, many of these organizations sup- 
porting hospitals and other institutions. 
The General Federation of Women's Clubs, 
parent-teacher associations, Junior Leagues, 



and some visiting nurse associations have 
special programs for crippled children. In 
many states public funds — state, county, 
or city— are provided for such work, and 
supervision is exercised by the appropriate 
public officials, this supervision extending 
usually to work under any private agencies 
which are in receipt of public funds. State- 
county care is often provided at state hospi- 
tals, frequently associated with the state 
university, but several states have partially 
adopted the Ohio decentralized plan, which 
permits care at public expense, either in 
the state hospital or in other qualified hos- 
pitals. 

The first special classes provided for 
crippled children in the United States were 
organized for patients in the Hospital for the 
Ruptured and Crippled, New York, 1863; a 
day school was opened by the New York 
Children's Aid Society in 1890; and the 
Industrial Day School for Crippled and De- 
formed Children was established in Boston 
in 1893. Private classes opened in Chicago 
in 1897 were taken over by the city in 1899, 
and Cleveland and a few other cities fol- 
lowed, but only recently has expansion been 
rapid. In 1929, according to a report of the 
United States Office of Education to be 
printed in 1930, 86 cities and towns, in- 
cluding 27 in Ohio, reported 10,038 pupils 
in special schools and classes for crippled 
children. For these classes the authorities 
commonly provide free motor bus trans- 
portation; buildings with ramps or elevators, 
or rooms all on one floor; treatment by 
physiotherapists, and sometimes special 
equipment such as a tank or pools for treat- 
ment under warm water. Academic instruc- 
tion is much the same as for normal children 
except that it includes more handwork. 
Excess costs over the usual per capita ex- 
penditures for public school children range 
from $154 a year in Oklahoma City to $403 
in Chicago. Such costs usually are paid 
wholly or in part from special state funds, 
with a limit of from $200 to $300 a child 
annually. High school opportunities are 
often lacking. A few states make provision 



116 



Crippled Children 



for the schooling of rural children away 
from home. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Special training for teachers of crippled chil- 
dren is for the most part unobtainable, al- 
though an excellent special course is offered 
at the Michigan State Normal College at 
Ypsilanti, in cooperation with the Univer- 
sity of Michigan Hospital at Ann Arbor. 
Most staff members in institutions and 
agencies for cripples are specialists — ortho- 
pedists, nurses, physiotherapists, occupa- 
tional therapists, or teachers. Some follow- 
up work is carried on by social case workers 
without medical training; more often it is 
in the hands of public health nurses, some- 
times with social service training. The In- 
dianapolis Foundation, during 1929, provided 
scholarships allowing one school principal 
and one physiotherapist to take summer 
courses at the University of Chicago and at 
Harvard Medical School, respectively. 

Developments and Events, igig. The year 
1929, like the years immediately preceding, 
showed a growing tendency on the part of 
the large fraternal orders to promote state 
programs, placing more of the costs on public 
funds and leaving supervision more largely 
to trained, salaried workers. Laymen con- 
tinued to supply publicity, often financial 
support, and vocational help with individual 
cripples, as well as furnishing transportation 
in their private cars. The most striking 
event of the year was the first genuinely 
international convention of the International 
Society for Crippled Children, held at 
Geneva, Switzerland. A petition to the 
League of Nations asked that the secretariat 
make an international study of preventive 
measures, care, and training of cripples. 
Other events of importance were the follow- 
ing: Completion of the new Pennsylvania 
State Hospital at Elizabethtown and the 
Eustis Hospital for children at the Univer- 
sity of Minnesota; the opening near New 
York City of a convalescent home for crippled 
children; the creation of a new division on 
Special Education in the United States Office 



of Education; the addition to a Chicago 
school of a large scale ultra-violet ray plant 
where patients are treated while using a mov- 
ing sidewalk; and employment in the Los 
Angeles and Philadelphia schools of a spe- 
cial vocational guidance and placement work- 
er, such as Chicago has had for several years. 
Substantial benefactions in this field were 
received during the year by institutions or 
for institutional development in Elyria, 
Ohio; Schenectady, N. Y.; New York City, 
Chicago, and Princes' Crossing, near Chicago. 
During the year state-wide surveys, to learn 
the whereabouts of crippled children, were 
made or authorized in Arizona, Illinois, 
Kansas, Massachusetts, Missouri, New Mex- 
ico, and Virginia. A survey in Iowa re- 
lated particularly to educational needs, one 
in Montana to infantile paralysis. City sur- 
veys were made in Minneapolis, St. Louis, 
Kansas City, and Philadelphia, the study in 
the last named city being a part of the hos- 
pital and health survey. The United States 
Children's Bureau also made a study of 10 
typical state programs, and a study of 
special schools and classes for cripples was 
made for the United States Office of Educa- 
tion. 

Legislation, igig. Arkansas (Act 356) 
created a permanent state commission and 
(Act 50) made an existing children's hospital 
a state agency. Florida (Ch. 13,620) created a 
state commission with broad powers. Amend- 
ments to laws were passed in California, 
Michigan, New Jersey, and New York. 
Minnesota (Ch. 277) required a public health 
record for every child of school age, and also 
(Ch. 328) required doctors to report physical 
defects or injuries in children. Kansas 
(Ch. 256) created a temporary commission 
to conduct a survey. Wisconsin (Ch. 490) 
created the Wisconsin Orthopedic Hospital 
for crippled children and appropriated $300,- 
000 for its erection; it also (Ch. 221) au- 
thorized support of academic instruction in 
hospitals for crippled children from state 
funds, under supervision of local boards of 
education. 



117 



Day Nurseries 



Consult: Reeves, Edith: Care and Education of 
Crippled Children, 19 14; Solenberger, Edith 
Reeves: Public School Classes for Crippled Chil- 
dren (Office of Education, United States Depart- 
ment of the Interior), 1918; Keesecker, Ward W.: 
Digest of Legislation for Education of Crippled 
Children (Office of Education, United States De- 
partment of the Interior), 1929; Abt, Henry E.: 
The Care, Cure, and Education of the Crippled Child 
(International Society for Crippled Children), 
1924; Sullivan and Snortum: Disabled Persons, 
Their Education and Rehabilitation, 1926; Howett, 
Harry H.: Progress in the Education of Crippled 
Children (International Society for Crippled Chil- 
dren), 1930, and "Legislating for the Crippled 
Children," in The Crippled Child, June, 1928; 
"Cripples" in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (Four- 
teenth Edition) ; and issues of The Crippled Child 
and the Monthly Letter (published by the Inter- 
national Society for Crippled Children); Rehabili- 
tation Review; The Cripple (London) ; reports and 
surveys mentioned in this article: and news bulle- 
tins and reports of state societies for crippled 
children. 

Edith Reeves Solenberger 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 583. 

CRUELTY TO CHILDREN. See Child 
Protection. 

DANCE HALLS, PUBLIC. See Public 
Dance Halls. 

DANGEROUS TRADES. See Industrial 
Accidents. 

DAY NURSERIES represent a type of care 
for children of working mothers which ranks 
midway between institutional care and 
mothers' pensions. The day nursery move- 
ment in America followed in the wake of the 
French creches, the first of which was estab- 
lished in Paris in 1844. The first permanent 
day nursery in the United States was 
founded in Troy, N. Y., in 1858. The 
decade from 1905 to 191 5— that immediately 
preceding the development of mothers' 
pension legislation — witnessed the greatest 
growth in the numbers of day nurseries in 



this country. Associations of day nurseries 
were formed in many of the largest cities; 
one functions in New England, and another 
covers the State of New Jersey. Some of 
these employ trained social workers as exec- 
utives. The National Federation of Day 
Nurseries, Inc., founded in 1898, aims to 
unite all day nurseries in a common body 
and purpose and to assist them in develop- 
ing the best possible standards and methods. 
It publishes a monthly bulletin. 

The United States census of children under 
institutional care on February 1, 1923, shows 
that there were then in the United States, 
exclusive of commercial nurseries, approxi- 
mately 613 day nurseries, caring for 22,822 
children. The best available information in- 
dicates that there has been an increase since 
then in both the number and capacity of 
day nurseries. For the most part day 
nurseries are financed by private philan- 
thropy. Some, however, are operated by 
employers and others by public school sys- 
tems. The most important instance of the 
last named type is the group of 29 nurseries 
conducted in Los Angeles. Day nurseries 
charge nominal fees varying ordinarily from 
5 to 25 cents a day for each child cared for. 
The budgets of nurseries with acceptable 
standards of care indicate a per capita cost 
of from 55 cents to $1.60 a day, depending 
on the geographical location and the pro- 
gram undertaken. The lower rate obtains 
in day nurseries attached to religious insti- 
tutions where salaries for all or part of the 
staff are not included in the budget. 

No complete compilation of statutes 
governing the licensing, inspection, or super- 
vision of day nurseries by state or municipal 
authorities is available. Many states and 
most large cities provide for licensing or for 
inspection, or for both. Such provisions 
prescribe standards guaranteeing at least a 
minimum of protection, and where these 
regulations are uniformly and intelligently 
applied they insure proper sanitary and 
health safeguards. The local associations 
and the National Federation of Day Nur- 
series also have formulated standards cover- 



118 



Day Nurseries 



ing housing; sanitation; fire protection; 
medical and health supervision; admission 
requirements in relation to age, physical 
condition, and parental status; family inves- 
tigation; parental education; educational 
program; and personnel as related to the 
size and ages of the groups under care. Com- 
munity chests are beginning to require the 
fulfilment of these standards as a prerequisite 
for financial support. Since a knowledge of 
social case work, teaching, public health, 
mental hygiene, recreation, and home eco- 
nomics are all important in the day nursery 
field, nurseries of high grade aim to secure 
executives who have had professional train- 
ing in one or more of these fields, who can 
intelligently use specialists functioning in the 
day nursery and integrate the various activi- 
ties in an orderly and harmonious fashion. 

The entrance of professional workers into 
this field is one indication of the new evalua- 
tion of day nurseries that has come during 
the past decade. Day nurseries of high 
standards are now being accepted by family 
welfare groups— private, public and mothers' 
aid— as adjuncts to their service when it 
seems advisable for mothers in families under 
these organizations to work outside their 
homes, either temporarily or permanently 
and for full or part time. Especially are 
women who are not eligible for mothers' 
pensions being referred to day nurseries. 

Educators specializing in the preschool 
field are turning to day nurseries for experi- 
mental and demonstrating purposes, as well 
as for opportunity for training teachers in 
this new field. Progressive day nurseries, 
on the other hand, are themselves beginning 
to reach out for this promising new instru- 
ment in fundamental child training. See 
Nursery Schools. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. Day nur- 
series apparently increased during the year 
in both number and capacity. In New York 
City the Heckscher Foundation for children 
received from August Heckscher the income 
from $4,000,000 for the establishment of 
centers to contain day nurseries, dental 



clinics, and playgrounds. In several cities 
new and revised city ordinances or sanitary 
codes, also minimum requirements estab- 
lished by community chests and welfare 
federations, brought standards of equipment 
and care to new high levels. Better coordina- 
tion of the work with the general social prog- 
ress of the community was indicated by the 
increased number of case workers employed, 
and by several studies of intake and costs to 
determine the adequacy of the service. 

An experiment was made in one city with 
foster home boarding care where the mother 
has but one child and no other family ties, 
with foster home daytime care to aid 
mothers with one or two children, and with 
subsidies by the nursery to enable mothers 
of three or more children to remain at home 
without outside work. In two cities an 
experiment was made with supervised visit- 
ing housekeeper's service furnished by the 
nursery during the mother's temporary ab- 
sence at work or during her incapacity. 
During the year some nurseries added 
leadership for older children during after- 
school hours, nursery schools for preschool 
groups, and health service for mothers. 

Consult: Tyson, Helen G.: The Day Nursery in 
Its Community Relations (Philadelphia Associa- 
tion of Day Nurseries), 19 19, and Standards of 
Care in Day Nurseries (Pennsylvania Department 
of Welfare), 1928; Harley, Winifred C: IV hat the 
Nursery School Contributes to the Day Nursery 
(National Federation of Day Nurseries, Inc.), a 
conference report, 1929; Heagy, Helen LaG.: 
"Philadelphia's First Day Nursery Experiment," 
in the Bulletin of the National Federation of Day 
Nurseries, Inc., February, 1930; Child Welfare 
Survey of Pittsburgh (Public Charities Association 
of Pennsylvania), 1930; Day Nurseries— Registra- 
tion of Social Statistics (Registration of Social 
Statistics), 1929; and Children's Bureau, United 
States Department of Labor: Preliminary Report 
on Part of a Study of Working Mothers in Phila- 
delphia (under preparation), 1929. 

Mary F. Bogue 
Mary H. Moran 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies see 
National Agencies, Classified, on page 583. 



119 



The Deaf 



DAY OUTINGS. See Summer Camps and 
Day Outings. 

THE DEAF. The term "deaf" is com- 
monly but rather inaccurately applied to 
three different groups of persons: first, 
deaf-mutes— those who are entirely or prac- 
tically entirely without the sense of hearing, 
and for the most part without normal speech 
except that acquired through special in- 
struction; second, the hard of hearing, in 
which group are included persons suffering 
from many different degrees of impairment 
of hearing, short of total deafness; and 
third, the deaf, or those without power of 
hearing but with good speech— generally 
those who are deafened after childhood. 
This article will discuss only the first of 
these groups. For the special problems pre- 
sented by the others, see The Hard of 
Hearing. 

The lack of hearing or of normal speech 
among deaf-mutes is of congenital or ac- 
quired character; in the latter case, the 
result of some disease or injury to the organs 
of hearing, occurring early in life, and before 
speech has been fully acquired. Mutism has 
no physiological basis; it results from lack 
of ability to hear, and the consequent in- 
ability to imitate the sounds used in speech 
by other human beings. The deaf-mutes 
in the United States — from 45,000 to 50,000 
in number— constitute very little of a de- 
pendency problem, since they are generally 
able to earn a living in some occupation in 
which their defect does not prove a serious 
handicap. Commercial and professional 
pursuits are for the most part closed to them, 
however. Their greatest problems result 
from their social isolation. Deaf-mutes 
naturally have for their companions, and 
often closest friends, those who have handi- 
caps similar to their own. In consequence, 
a sort of clannishness sometimes develops 
among persons so afflicted. It does little 
harm, however, on the whole; and the 
special organizations formed among them 
are often of much good, especially by way 
of mutual aid and benefit. 



History and Present Status. The first school 
for the deaf (deaf-mutes) in the United 
States was founded at Hartford, Conn., in 
181 7. The first schools were in the hands of 
private societies organized for the purpose; 
but before long the state assumed the re- 
sponsibility of education, and this is now 
the prevailing policy. The schools which 
were organized under private auspices, and 
which receive state pupils, are subsidized by 
the state and are in fact rather to be desig- 
nated as semi-public institutions. All states 
except New Hampshire, Delaware, Nevada, 
and Wyoming now have special institutions 
for the education of deaf children; a few 
have more than one institution. In some 
states deaf and blind children receive educa- 
tion in the same schools. The tendency 
today is to give all the institutions a strictly 
educational rating, without any charitable 
connotation. 

For some time the state institution was the 
sole means for educating the deaf. Later, 
day schools were started which have steadily 
increased in number. The day school is 
usually a part of the city school system, al- 
though often aided by state funds. In con- 
nection with such schools there are being 
created classes for the hard of hearing as 
well. In some cities there are also private 
schools for the deaf, for the most part under 
the auspices of some religious body. The 
federal government has established Gallau- 
det College at Washington. It is the only 
institution in the country for the higher edu- 
cation of the deaf. In all schools for the deaf 
in the United States there were 17,554 
pupils in October, 1929. Of these, 13,239 
were in the 64 institutions (including 129 at 
Gallaudet College); 3,503 at the 114 day 
schools; and 812 at the 18 private schools. 
Practically all the schools give much atten- 
tion to vocational training, some having 
rather extensive facilities for teaching the 
trades. 

In the instruction of the deaf, both the 

oral method and the sign language have 

been used. A constantly increasing number 

of deaf pupils, however, are being taught 

20 



Delinquent Boys, Institution Care 



speech and speech reading. The sign 
language, useful and indispensable as it is in 
general, outside the classroom is regarded 
as interfering more or less with progress in 
acquiring ability to understand correct Eng- 
lish — an accomplishment which the deaf 
child finds very difficult. At the meeting in 
1929 of the Conference of Superintendents 
and Principals of Schools for the Deaf, 
it was voted to abolish use of the sign lan- 
guage in the classroom. Much importance is 
being attached to auricular methods of 
instruction for children who have a remnant 
of hearing. While developments have been 
slow, there is little doubt that in the future 
this form of instruction will play a large part 
in the teaching of children with hearing de- 
fects. 

Until within very recent years there has 
been little organized activity to prevent 
deafness. It is among the last of physical 
ailments to receive scientific attention. 
Under the auspices of the American Otologi- 
cal Society, however, extensive research is 
now under way into the causes of deafness. 
Ear clinics in the care of otologists are being 
set up in connection with classes for hard of 
hearing children in the public schools, and 
much may be expected from them in the pre- 
vention or checking of incipient deafness. 

Of great potential significance to work 
for the deaf is the establishment of the 
Coolidge Fund, which seeks an endowment 
of $2,000,000. This was started under the 
direction of the Clarke School for the Deaf 
at Northampton, Mass., and is designed to 
promote various types of work for the deaf, 
including research studies. Likewise signifi- 
cant have been the contributions of the Na- 
tional Research Council, under whose aus- 
pices have been conducted extensive studies 
of institutions for the education of the deaf. 
In February, 1929, an important conference 
was held at Washington under the auspices 
of this Council at which a wide range of 
topics was under discussion, from those 
relating to the hard of hearing to those 
relating to deaf-mutes. Special attention 
was given to the psychological phases of 



deafness and deaf-mutism, and the general 
problems of that part of the population hav- 
ing impaired hearing received consideration. 

Consult: Arnold, Thomas: The Education of 
Deaf-Mutes, 1888; Nitchie, E. B.: Lip-reading- 
Principles and Practice, 19 19; Peck, Annetta W. 
and others: Ears and the Man, 1926; Fay, E. A. 
(editor) : Histories of American Schools for the 
Deaf (Volta Bureau), 1893; Ferreri, G.: American 
Institutions for the Education of the Deaf, 1903; 
Best, Harry: The Deaf, 1914; Montague, Margaret 
P.: Closed Doors, 191 5; Wright, J. D.: What the 
Mother of a Deaf Child Ought to Know, 19 1 5 ; Deland, 
Fred: Dumb No Longer (Volta Bureau), 1903; 
American Annals of the Deaf (Convention of Ameri- 
can Instructors of the Deaf), and issues of the 
American Annals of the Deaf, and the Volta Review. 

Harry Best 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 583. 



DEATH STATISTICS. 
Health Statistics. 



See Vital and 



DEFECTIVE CHILDREN. See Mental 
Deficiency. 

DELINQUENT BOYS, INSTITUTION 
CARE. Institutions for the care and train- 
ing of delinquent boys, usually known as 
houses of reform, industrial schools, training 
schools, or reform schools, have been pro- 
vided by all the states of the Union, as well 
as by the federal government. Almost all 
delinquent boys are cared for in institutions 
under public control, although a few are 
received in private institutions. 

History and Present Status. In the early days 
of this country boys were confined with old 
and hardened offenders. In 1822 Edward 
Livingston urged the establishment of a 
juvenile reformatory to which children might 
be sent rather than to state prisons. He 
said: " It would be more reasonable to put a 
man in a pest-house to cure him of a head- 
ache than to confine a young offender in a 
penitentiary, organized on the ordinary plan, 



121 



Delinquent Boys, Institution Care 



in order to effect his reformation." The 
Society for the Prevention of Pauperism was 
reorganized about this time as the Society 
for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents, 
and in 1824 it opened the New York House 
of Refuge, which was the first separate in- 
stitution in America or Europe for the care 
or training of delinquent children. From the 
beginning the managers of this institution 
aimed to make it a place of training and 
correction rather than a place of punish- 
ment. The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania 
in 1838 rendered a decision in which it 
affirmed that the House of Refuge of 
Philadelphia was not a prison but a school. 
In another judicial opinion, rendered in 1835, 
the court held that the greater or less degree 
of restraint which was imposed by the super- 
intendent must depend upon circumstances 
and could not be made the subject of any 
precise estimate. So long as it was governed 
by a regard for the best interest of the young, 
it had perhaps no other limits and must be 
discretionary. The courts recognized the 
position of a house of refuge as parens 
patriae, the common guardian of the com- 
munity, with the right of control during 
minority over those committed to its charge. 
This attitude has continued to the present 
day. 

The latest available figures {Industrial 
Schools for Delinquents, Office of Education, 
United States Department of the Interior, 
Bulletin No. 10, 1928) show 173 institutions 
for the training of delinquent boys and girls; 
fairly complete reports were obtained from 
158 of these institutions. Unfortunately 
the statistics are not in such form that they 
give separate totals in all instances for boys 
and for girls. Forty-eight of the state insti- 
tutions were for girls only, and 1 1 were for 
both boys and girls. The total number of 
inmates reported for 1 926-1 927 was 84,317. 
Of this number 65,174 were boys and 19,143 
were girls; 72,803 were white and 11,514 
were colored. Academic instruction was 
given to 61,740 inmates, or 74 per cent of the 
number reported. Some trade or occupa- 
tion was taught 48,646, or 75 per cent of the 



total number to whom academic instruction 
was given. In general, the maximum age at 
commitment varies from 16 to 18 years of 
age, and the minimum from 8 to 10 years. 
The length of stay in different institutions 
averages from one to two years; in individ- 
ual cases it may range from a few days to 
the full period of minority. 

No figures are available as to the number 
of institutions in which psychological and 
psychiatric services have been introduced. 
Wherever this has happened, individual 
study has resulted in efforts at classi- 
fication and segregation of the feeble- 
minded and the emotionally unstable, and 
the provision of training adapted to each. 
At the present time most training institu- 
tions for delinquent boys are conducted on 
the military plan, but there is a sharp dif- 
ference of opinion as to its value. Those 
who favor it contend that it teaches discipline 
and obedience to law and order, besides 
making institutions easier to operate. Those 
opposed to military training claim that it is 
unnatural and that instead of fitting the boy 
for later life it creates false standards and 
makes it harder for him to become adjusted 
in the community than if he had had training 
more like that in a normal home. 

Most institutions for delinquent boys 
employ parole officers, but unfortunately it 
has rarely been possible to provide large 
enough salaries or sufficiently favorable con- 
ditions of work to attract the type of person 
desirable for this sort of work. Parole 
officers have rarely been given an oppor- 
tunity to demonstrate the real possibilities of 
their positions because they have been so 
overloaded with cases that adequate super- 
vision was quite out of the question. As a 
rule the northern, eastern, and far western 
parts of the United States have given larger 
appropriations to their institutions, and this 
has made it possible to secure a more desira- 
ble class of employes, and also to provide the 
services of psychologists and psychiatrists. 
In most southern states the appropriations 
are inadequate for conducting institutions 
with modern standards. The greatest need 



122 



Delinquent Children, Foster Home Care 



in the field today is adequate funds so that 
people of satisfactory professional training 
may be induced to accept and retain posi- 
tions in the institution field. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Until very recently employment in the insti- 
tutions here described, except in the case of 
teachers in school departments, has not been 
conditioned on specific training for the work, 
since no school offered such training. Courses 
are now being given, however, at the New 
York School of Social Work and at the 
School of Applied Sciences of Western Re- 
serve University. In some places, courses of 
instruction for officers and employes have 
been given within the institution and with 
satisfactory results. Several states require 
that employment by all state agencies shall 
be based on civil service examination. This 
has tended materially to raise standards. 

Developments and Events, ig2g. Plans were 
begun during the year for the transfer of the 
New York House of Refuge from private to 
public control, and for the building of a new 
institution at Warwick, about 50 miles 
northwest of New York City. Denver estab- 
lished a home for employed problem boys. 
The Shallcross Parental School of Philadel- 
phia increased its capacity from 35 to 90. 
Ridgewood, a unit of the Louisville and 
Jefferson County Children's Home, was 
opened for delinquent colored boys and girls. 
The same institution extended its social ser- 
vice program by creating three divisions — 
rehabilitation, foster homes, and mother's 
aid— in the field department, each division 
to be staffed by a supervisor and four to 
seven trained social workers. Hillsboro 
County, Fla., was authorized to issue bonds 
of $150,000 for a home for delinquent and 
dependent children. South Dakota appro- 
priated money for additional cottages at the 
state training school for boys and girls. Mis- 
souri authorized the expenditure of $750,000 
for an intermediate reformatory for boys. 

Consult: Sutherland, Edwin H.: Criminology, 
1924; Hart, Hastings H.: "The Juvenile Re- 
formatory of the Twentieth Century," in Pro- 



ceedings of National Conference of Charities and 
Correction, 1905; Barnes, Harry E.: History of 
the Penal, Reformatory, and Correctional Institu- 
tions of the State of New Jersey, 19 18; Robinson, 
Louis N.: Penology in the United States, 1921; 
Office of Education, United States Department of 
the Interior, Industrial Schools for Delinquents 
(Bulletin No. 10), 1928; Wines, Frederick H.: 
Punishment and Reformation, 19 19; Lewis, Or- 
lando F.: The Development of American Prisons 
and Prison Customs, 1922; Hart, Hastings H.: 
Preventive Treatment of Neglected Children, 19 10. 

Henley V. Bastin 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 

DELINQUENT CHILDREN. See Delin- 
quent Boys, Institution Care; Delin- 
quent Children, Foster Home Care; 
Delinquent Girls, Institution Care; 
Juvenile Courts and Probation; Psy- 
chiatric Clinics for Children; and 
Visiting Teachers. 



DELINQUENT CHILDREN, FOSTER 
HOME CARE. Child-caring agencies deal- 
ing with neglected and dependent children 
and having regard for the causes and results 
of neglect soon learn that there is no clear 
line between the neglected child and the de- 
linquent child. Not only does neglect re- 
sult in delinquency, but delinquency is pres- 
ent in many of the so-called neglect or de- 
pendency problems. Similarly many problem 
children are delinquent. Speaking generally, 
delinquency is a matter of degree; techni- 
cally speaking, the delinquent child is one 
who is in the care of the juvenile court or 
juvenile session for having committed some 
act which is in violation of a statute or 
ordinance. Unless otherwise indicated, this 
article refers to the latter group of children. 
Except for the statistics, however, most of 
the discussion pertaining to the delinquent 
child in foster homes might also be applied to 
a far larger group of problem children in 
foster homes. As far as the writer knows, 
foster home care is nowhere intended to be a 



123 



Delinquent Children, Foster Home Care 



complete substitute for the commitment of 
delinquent children to institutions. On the 
basis of what a child needs, a good child 
guidance clinic may recommend a foster 
home, institutional care, or probation in a 
child's own home. 

The essentials of good foster home care 
for delinquent children may be defined as 
follows: (i) A community willing and able 
to provide satisfactory foster home care. 
(Factors of importance to be considered are 
the general standards of intelligence in the 
community and the degree of interest it 
shows in helping children. It may take many 
years to create the right standards and atti- 
tudes.) (2) A child-placing agency will- 
ing to pioneer and experiment in the treat- 
ment of difficult children. (Such an agency 
should have a trained staff with knowledge of 
psychiatric aspects of social work. Thirty 
delinquent children should be a sufficient 
strain on the energy and ingenuity of any 
one visitor.) (3) A child guidance clinic. 
(4) A friendly attitude on the part of the 
judge and probation officers in the juvenile 
court. Other factors which must be con- 
sidered before placement is determined upon 
are the age of the child, the type of delin- 
quency of which he is accused, his personal- 
ity, mentality, family background, and prior 
experiences and attitudes. 

The advantages of foster home care for 
delinquent children, as opposed to institu- 
tional care, are many. By means of life in a 
family and in a community, the child can be 
best prepared for adult life in a family and 
in a community. Foster home placement 
tends to eliminate the feeling of hatred which 
a child has when he thinks he is being pun- 
ished unjustly, for to the child commitment 
to an institution seems more like punishment 
than does placement in a foster home. Most 
delinquent children are in need of guidance 
rather than punishment. The plan is just 
because it gives the child a chance to make 
good under circumstances which every nor- 
mal child should have, and which through 
misfortune or neglect of parents or of the 
community have been denied to him. He 



can be studied and treated as an individual, 
and the danger of contagion, especially moral 
contagion, is minimized. There are, how- 
ever, many difficulties in following this pro- 
cedure. It is not easy to discover the right 
home for the individual child, especially 
when there are a large number of delinquent 
children who must be placed. Unwholesome 
contacts with others in the household and 
neighborhood do occur and are hard to 
guard against. Unexpected changes in fos- 
ter homes or in staff personnel, or inter- 
ference by a child's own family, may create 
embarrassment in carrying out a program 
as planned. In spite of all these difficulties, 
however, instances in which there have been 
disastrous results are negligible in number 
and even children who have committed very 
serious offenses have been successfully placed. 

To be most successful, foster home place- 
ment should be paid for, particularly where 
the child is in school. In free placement the 
agency has to overcome the tendency of the 
foster parent to make the child self-support- 
ing when he should not be. Furthermore, 
when the placing society pays, it is in a 
stronger position to prescribe details of 
treatment. The cost of care in foster homes 
varies with the age and physical condition of 
the child. Girls with active venereal infec- 
tions, for instance, require a great deal of 
care and must be paid for accordingly. Often 
their board alone costs $3.00 a day. The 
Children's Aid Association, Boston, reports 
that in general, when board is paid for de- 
linquent or problem children, the rate ranges 
from $6.00 to $8.00 a week. 

Many agencies which place delinquent 
children in foster homes are now trying to 
evaluate their work both qualitatively and 
quantitatively, not only with reference to 
the cost in dollars, but also in regard to suc- 
cess and failure. No entirely satisfactory 
process of evaluation has yet been devised. 
It is difficult to establish a norm for success, 
and even when one is accepted, the agency 
cannot be certain of results until there has 
been a follow-up study at the expiration of a 
very substantial period of time. 



124 



Delinquent Children, Foster Home Care 



The one outstanding study of the foster 
home plan for delinquent children, Recon- 
structing Behavior in Youth, by Healy, Bron- 
ner, Baylor, and Murphy, was published in 
1929. This was an analysis of 501 unselected 
children, all of them problem or delinquency 
cases for whom foster home care had been 
provided by child-placing agencies in Massa- 
chusetts and other New England states. 
The study showed that among the problem 
children, many of whom were officially de- 
linquent, foster home care had been helpful 
for 70 per cent. For those who were men- 
tally or emotionally abnormal, especially 
those who presented personality and habit 
problems and actual delinquency, the per- 
centage of success was 45, while for the nor- 
mal children in the group the percentage of 
success was 90. 

Foster home care is used as a method of 
treatment for delinquent children by most of 
the child-caring agencies in New England. 
As far as known to the writer, the only other 
communities using this plan are Pittsburgh, 
Los Angeles, Hartford, Cleveland, Minne- 
apolis, St. Louis, and Washington, D. C. 
The state departments of public welfare in 
Massachusetts and Virginia have also made 
some placements of this type. During the 
last decade a special service for study and 
placement of delinquent and problem chil- 
dren has been developed by the New England 
Home for Little Wanderers, of Boston, and 
by the Whaley Memorial Home of Flint, 
Mich. This combines the use of a small 
institution as a study home for diagnosis 
with the use of foster homes for care and 
treatment. The organizations which have 
adopted this plan find that it provides op- 
portunity for the more intimate study by 
trained staff members which certain chil- 
dren especially need. In the town of 
Sharon, Mass., there is a foster home where 
a study of the development of four prob- 
lem children (not officially delinquent) is 
being carried on by a foster mother and 
her assistant, who are psychiatric social 
workers. The children in this experimental 
foster home are under the supervision of 



a visitor from the Children's Mission to 
Children of Boston. 

In addition to providing foster homes for 
the care of delinquent children placed on 
probation by the juvenile court, the Boston 
Children's Aid Association has developed a 
system of temporary detention care in foster 
homes for children whose cases have not 
been finally disposed of by the juvenile court 
of that city. In the course of a year about 
100 children are served in this way. Almost 
all other juvenile court children are allowed 
to go to their own homes pending disposition. 
Boston has no congregate house of deten- 
tion. As far as known to the writer, the 
only other communities using foster homes 
for the temporary detention care of delin- 
quent children are Worcester, Wilkes-Barre, 
Harrisburg, Minneapolis, St. Louis, Los 
Angeles, and Charleston, S. C. To these 
should be added the state departments re- 
sponsible for child protection in Massa- 
chusetts, Virginia, and Alabama. In a report 
covering the year 1927 the federal Children's 
Bureau (Publication No. 195), states that 19 
of 44 cities, ranging from 25,000 to 100,000 
in population, used boarding homes for the 
temporary detention care of delinquent, 
dependent, and neglected children. Six 
cities reported the use of boarding homes for 
delinquent children only. Forty-two ju- 
venile courts reported that 69 delinquent 
children were given temporary detention 
care in boarding homes. The total number 
of delinquent children involved in this report 
was 28,387, about half of whom did not need 
any form of detention care. See Detention 
Homes. 

Consult: Healy, William, and others: Recon- 
structing Behavior in Youth, 1929; Lenroot, 
Katharine F.: "Progressive Methods of Care of 
Children Pending Juvenile Court Hearing," in 
Proceedings of National Conference of Social Work, 
1926; Eliot, T. D.: "Unofficial Treatment of 
Children Quasi-Delinquent" (report of the Com- 
mittee on Juvenile Courts) in Proceedings of Na- 
tional Probation Association, 1922; Children's 
Bureau, United States Department of Labor: 
Juvenile Court Statistics (Publication No. 195), 
1927, and Juvenile Court Statistics (Publication No. 



125 



Delinquent Girls, Institution Care 



200), 1928; Cabot, Frederick P.: "The Deten- 
tion of Children as a Part of Treatment," in The 
Child, The Clinic and The Court, by Jane Addams 
and others, 1925. 

Alfred Freeman Whitman 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 

DELINQUENT GIRLS, INSTITUTION 
CARE. Training schools for delinquent 
girls are maintained by most states out of 
public funds, and are under the supervision 
of state departments of public welfare. The 
names under which the schools are conducted 
vary, but there is a growing tendency to use 
names which do not hint at the reformatory 
idea. The terms "State School for Girls" 
or "State Training School for Girls" are 
most common, but less formal names, such as 
"Montrose School for Girls," "Home School 
for Girls," and so forth, are also being used 
with happy results. 

History and Present Status. In the early part 
of the nineteenth century there came an 
awakening of the public conscience with 
regard to the problem of juvenile delinquency 
and the need of training delinquent, in- 
corrigible, psychopathic and other so-called 
"unfortunate" boys and girls away from their 
homes. Special provision for girls in a build- 
ing by themselves was first made in the 
House of Refuge of New York toward the 
end of 1825. All of the earliest institutions 
were begun under private auspices and were 
controlled by large boards of managers made 
up of representative people. The first school 
in the United States for girls only was or- 
ganized in Lancaster, Mass., in 1854. 

Since that time there has been a marked 
change in the purposes of these institutions. 
The original purpose was to provide refuge 
and protection, but soon the idea of punish- 
ment emerged and this end was attained by 
repression and often cruel discipline. Silence 
was insisted upon at work, at meals, and 
wherever it could be imposed. Unnatural 
rules and regulations developed. Little at- 



tention was paid to physical or recreational 
needs. Honor systems were unknown, the 
girls were constantly watched lest they run 
away, and the atmosphere was one of con- 
stant suspicion. Although there are still 
training schools for girls which are extremely 
institutional and repressive and administered 
without much vision or imagination, there 
are also a number in which constant experi- 
mentation is under way to develop new and 
wiser methods of procedure far removed 
from the old ideas. Many facts are now 
being recognized which were formerly com- 
pletely ignored; as, for instance, that girls 
who have abused their freedom cannot be 
taught to use it wisely unless it is given to 
them within the institution, where they can 
develop a sense of responsibility. The neces- 
sity for maintaining law and order still exists, 
but self-control is being taught through wiser 
discipline, through improved physical care, 
education, sports, and so forth, and a real 
effort is being made to lift the burden of loss 
of liberty from the shoulders of young people 
who feel it very keenly. 

There are now in the United States 48 
state training schools for girls and 1 1 for 
both boys and girls. In most instances, 
except in the New England States, Negro 
and white girls are housed in separate cot- 
tages. In some institutions they share social 
and school activities, and in others their 
programs are separate. Populations vary 
from 50 or 60 to 500 or over. Many authori- 
ties believe that 250 is as large a number as 
any institution of this type should have. 

The average time spent within institutions 
varies from 18 months to two years, al- 
though in some states it is possible for a girl 
to remain as long as 13 years. The use of 
practical, yet inspirational, academic courses 
is growing, so that the interest of a girl of any 
school grade may be awakened and satisfied. 
Also vocational training is developing, in so 
far as it can be given in a short period of 
time. This includes dressmaking, com- 
mercial subjects, hairdressing and beauty 
parlor courses, handcraft and design, home 
nursing, and so forth. Such a program must 



126 



Delinquent Girls, Institution Care 



necessarily be elastic and adaptable, and 
cannot follow a prescribed course year after 
year because of varying abilities in the girls 
committed. 

Parole is in general use after training 
within the institution has prepared the girl 
for a larger measure of freedom. At first 
haltingly undertaken, with little faith in its 
efficacy, it has grown to be the inspirational 
foundation for the entire institution. Every 
girl knows from the start that she can be 
paroled, and her training is planned toward 
that end. Opinions differ as to the best 
methods of parole, but there is agreement as 
to the vital necessity of full social histories 
upon which to base plans, and very careful 
supervision and follow-up of all who are 
paroled. The tendency to use training 
schools as dumping grounds for all sorts of 
problem children, many of whom should be 
handled differently, often makes good parole 
work difficult. Psychiatric clinic service 
seems not as yet to have proved of very 
great value to institutions for delinquent 
girls. Acceptance of the principles of mental 
hygiene has far outgrown the number of 
trained persons able to apply them; and it 
will probably be some time before girls' 
training schools will benefit from these new 
ideas as they should. 

Because of more and better probation 
work (pre-institutional care) and possibly 
also because of the trend of the times, girls 
now committed to training schools appear to 
be harder to control than formerly and of less 
promising material. They are more given to 
emotional instability, psychoses, and other 
mental abnormalities. Throughout the 
country institutions for the care of mental 
defectives are overcrowded and usually have 
long waiting lists; as a result, a large pro- 
portion of the delinquent girls whom train- 
ing schools receive and care for are mental 
defectives. These changes in the types of 
girls committed may require marked altera- 
tions in the scheme of care provided by the 
institutions. Whatever the causes, the 
training schools are at present going through 
a difficult period of adjustment. 

9 i 



Supervision by state welfare departments 
has both advantages and drawbacks. Public 
officials have sometimes neither time nor 
inclination to study and understand the 
situation in which the training schools find 
themselves. When well-trained inspectors 
are employed, however, their visits can be 
most helpful. The most obvious needs in 
the field of modern institutional care for 
delinquent girls are better trained superin- 
tendents, less haphazard methods of securing 
staff members, more funds for maintenance, 
which would make higher salaries possible, 
less political interference, and more interest 
from the intelligent public, which has many 
theories at present but little practical knowl- 
edge of the situation. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Until very recently no definite effort has been 
made to train institutional workers outside 
the institutions themselves. Some superin- 
tendents prefer to train their own staffs 
rather than to employ the so-called "insti- 
tution rounders" — persons who drift aim- 
lessly from one school to another. Civil 
service, in theory so excellent, can work 
great hardship because of its inflexibility 
and has done so in many instances. One 
does not necessarily prove one's ability to 
train and teach delinquent girls acceptably 
by passing an examination, and training 
school officials often spend much time trying 
to secure satisfactory workers in spite of 
civil service laws. Within the past few years 
good training courses for institutional em- 
ployes have been started in Western Re- 
serve University and at the Children's Vil- 
lage, Dobbs Ferry-on-Hudson, N. Y. The 
latter was transferred during 1929 to the 
New York School of Social Work. See 
Education for Social Work. 

There has never been a national organiza- 
tion in this field which the majority of super- 
intendents have felt willing to join in order to 
receive inspiration and help in their problems. 
Many feel that training schools for girls 
should not be connected in any way with 
prison associations, either local or national. 



27 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



The National Conference of Juvenile Agen- 
cies, now separated from the National 
Prison Congress, may offer the facilities 
needed. A movement is on foot to bring 
the superintendents together once a year 
at that conference to talk over their very 
special problems, and this gives promise of 
success. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. During the 
year St. Louis added a cottage for colored 
girls to the institution at Meramee Hills, Mo. 
Ohio began to develop a clearing house for all 
children sent to the juvenile courts, and Cali- 
fornia made plans for 24-hour elementary 
schools. During 1929 also a study of the 
institutional care of delinquent girls was in 
progress, made by the United States Chil- 
dren's Bureau, and local studies were made 
by the Pittsburgh Federation of Social 
Agencies and the Pennsylvania State De- 
partment of Public Welfare. Detroit made 
a survey of the care of delinquent children 
in that city, and the National Catholic Wel- 
fare Conference made a study of the New 
York Catholic Protectory. 

Legislation, IQ2Q. Appropriations for addi- 
tional buildings were made during the year 
by the legislatures of Arkansas, Connecticut, 
South Dakota, Florida, Tennessee, and Wis- 
consin. West Virginia (Ch. 10) made pro- 
vision for the hospitalization of girls infected 
with venereal diseases, Florida by Chapter 
14,483 appropriated $10,000 for a cottage for 
colored girls and by another act authorized a 
bond issue of $150,000 by Hillsboro County 
for the establishment of an industrial home 
in that County for dependent and delinquent 
children. 

Consult: Reeves, Margaret: Training Schools for 
Delinquent Girls, 1929; Lee and Kenworthy: Men- 
tal Hygiene and Social Work (particularly Part 
One, Chapter 1 1, The Content of Child Guidance — 
Parent and Child), 1929; Addams, Jane, and others, 
The Child, The Clinic, and The Court, 1925; Jami- 
son, A. T., The Institution j or Children (Columbia, 
S. C, Book Depository), 1923; Joint Committee 
on Methods of Preventing Delinquency: Three 
Problem Children— Narratives from a Child Guid- 



ance Clinic, 1926; Van Waters, Miriam: Youth in 
Conflict, 1926. 

Caroline de Ford Penniman 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 



DENTAL HYGIENE. See Mouth Hy- 
giene. 

DEPENDENT AND NEGLECTED 
CHILDREN. The term "dependent chil- 
dren" has a variety of meanings in the stat- 
utes of the various states and in general 
usage. For the purpose of this article de- 
pendent children are those who have lost 
one or both parents, or whose parents or 
guardians are unable to support them or 
have surrendered them legally or informally 
for temporary or permanent care to a social 
agency, public or private. While dependent 
children may be cared for in their own homes, 
either by general family welfare agencies or 
relief societies, or by agencies which admin- 
ister mothers' aid laws, reference is made 
here only to those for whom application is 
made to an organization which provides 
care either in an institution or in foster 
homes, and when in the latter, with com- 
pensation or for free care or for adoption. 
See Mothers' Aid and Family Welfare 
Work. 

In most of the states neglected children 
are not separately classified in the statutes 
either by definition or in the procedure or 
disposition specified for them. In good prac- 
tice, however, a distinction exists, even in 
such states as do not separately define neg- 
lect, between the clearly destitute dependent 
whom parents or guardians cannot support 
and ask to be provided for and the clearly 
neglected dependent who suffers because the 
parents or guardians are derelict in their 
duty. See Child Protection. When neg- 
lected children have been removed from their 
parents or guardians, they become dependent 
children as far as methods of care outside of 
their own homes is concerned. 



128 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



In most of the states dependent children 
who are to be received either into public care 
or into private care for financial reimburse- 
ment from public funds or for their disposi- 
tion are committed by juvenile courts or 
courts having juvenile jurisdiction. In states 
like Massachusetts and New York, where 
dependent and neglected children are clearly 
discriminated in the law, the commitment of 
dependent children is always made by poor- 
law officials or departments of public welfare. 
Sentiment in favor of the latter procedure 
seems to be growing stronger in other states. 

History. In the early history of America 
dependent children were either cared for by 
outdoor relief given in their own homes or in 
almshouses with or without the other mem- 
bers of their families. They were also placed 
out with families either on indenture or for 
apprenticeship. The indenture was in ac- 
cordance with statutory law, which laid both 
duties and responsibilities upon child and 
master, providing penalties for derelictions, 
and obligating the master to discharge the 
child at from 1 8 to 21 years of age with cer- 
tain gifts, such as a suit of clothes and perhaps 
the sum of 50 dollars, in partial compensation 
for the child's services. States still have 
these laws on their statute books, but the 
development of the factory system, the lack 
of home work, the greater need of skilled 
service, and the lengthening period of the 
child's education all undermined the system 
of indenture long before it became a dead 
letter. The greatest objection to the in- 
denture system was that its philosophy of 
child care was based on economic service, 
and his protection and training were inci- 
dental rather than basic. 

Coincident with the development of the 
placement of children came the first insti- 
tutions for children. The first one was 
founded in 1729 in New Orleans in connec- 
tion with the Ursuline Convent, when it 
became necessary to provide for a group of 
children orphaned by Indian massacres. In 
1740 the Bethesda Orphanage in Savannah, 
an institution for orphan boys, was founded 



by George Whitefield. Out of the 1,558 in- 
stitutions caring for children reporting for 
the United States census of Children Under 
Institutional Care, 1923, only eight had 
been established before 1800. Ninety-three 
were organized during the first half of the 
nineteenth century, and of these 41 were in 
the South. A great increase in the number 
of institutions came immediately after the 
Civil War, but many of these, built in the 
aftermath of the war fervor, have gone out of 
existence. 

All through the first half of the nineteenth 
century child placing on indenture or ap- 
prenticeship came to be a well-recognized 
procedure by public officials in relieving the 
public of the cost of caring for dependent 
children. The first private agency to under- 
take child placing as its primary function 
was the Children's Aid Society of the City of 
New York, organized in 1853, when Charles 
Loring Brace began his work of sheltering 
waifs taken from the streets of New York. 
They were at first placed in suitable farm 
families near New York, but as the years 
passed and it became harder to find suitable 
farm homes nearby, they were sent into more 
distant states, even west of the Missouri 
River. In 1929 this method was finally 
abandoned by this society as a result of the 
development of other facilities nearer by for 
the care of these children. 

In 1883 the Illinois Children's Home and 
Aid Society was organized. This marked the 
beginning of a national movement to place 
a children's home society with state-wide 
jurisdiction in every state, with a national 
society to give general direction to their 
work. It was the main purpose of these 
organizations to place homeless, dependent 
children for adoption in childless families. 
This work has always had a strong evan- 
gelical flavor, although not under specific 
church auspices. 

Thirty-six states have at one time or other 
had children's home societies. The national 
agency no longer exercises direction and the 
various societies are entirely independent. 
Twenty-eight reported to the 1923 census. 



129 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



A number of these have departed in function 
and form of organization from the original 
plan. Organized to use foster homes, many 
have added to their equipment institutions 
for the permanent care of children. 

In 1866 Massachusetts gathered its chil- 
dren of unsettled families from the state 
almshouses at Bridgewater and Tewksbury 
into the State Almshouse at Monson, and 
the latter was declared to be the Massa- 
chusetts State Primary School. From this 
the children were placed out and a visiting 
agent was appointed to visit all children so 
cared for. This was the beginning of the 
plan for direct foster home care of its depen- 
dent children by the Commonwealth of 
Massachusetts. In 1879 the visiting of these 
children was assigned to the State Board of 
Health, Lunacy, and Charity, the forerunner 
of the Division of Child Guardianship of the 
Department of Public Welfare. By 1894 
Massachusetts had 1,459 children in board- 
ing homes, and the following year the Pri- 
mary School at Monson was abandoned. 

Meanwhile the Boston Children's Aid 
Society, founded in 1863, was becoming an 
influential factor in foster home care. In 
1883, Charles W. Birtwell, then just out of 
Harvard, became its general secretary. His 
analytical mind led him to study the peculiar 
needs of children coming to the Society's 
attention, in order that each child might be 
placed in the kind of home which his capa- 
bilities and his limitations demanded. Thus 
began the first systematic process of finding 
homes for children instead of children for 
homes. This analytical process of child care 
has affected the whole field of children's 
work and has been greatly extended by 
means of child guidance clinics and the 
services of individual psychologists and 
psychiatrists, which are now used by all 
progressive children's institutions and agen- 
cies. 

In 1874 Michigan set up a state school — 
thus following Massachusetts, but with a 
more inclusive plan by accepting all depen- 
dent children in need of care. These were 
to remain for a temporary period previous 



to placement. Minnesota, Wisconsin, and 
18 other states accepted this plan. It has, 
however, always suffered in that the insti- 
tution has loomed large, while the service 
for home-finding and supervision has been 
inadequate. Free homes have been used 
almost exclusively, but have met children's 
needs with decreasing success. The result 
has been that children have had inade- 
quate protection, they have required fre- 
quent replacement, they have been left in 
the institution too long, and the institution 
has grown in size and importance, while 
foster home care has languished. 

But county homes have had no better 
success to meet the needs. Ohio in 1866 
authorized the establishment of a children's 
home in every county. The enabling act 
included the feature of placing out. Con- 
necticut and Indiana followed after Ohio. 
This plan has likewise failed because the 
children are likely to remain in the county 
home until parent or foster parent comes 
after them. Inadequate provision for place- 
ment service seems to accompany this pro- 
gram also. Indiana and Connecticut have 
given the state departments authority to 
place the children out, but adequate facili- 
ties at the center are not provided. 

At present only three states — Mississippi, 
Nevada, and Utah— are without supervisory 
boards or departments of public welfare, 
although they differ greatly in their functions 
as they relate to child care. See Public 
Welfare, State Agencies. Massachusetts 
has an extensive program of direct child care 
with very limited powers for the supervision 
of private agencies and institutions, and New 
York has a limited program of direct child 
care with extensive powers for supervision 
of private agencies and institutions, while 
Alabama has extensive programs in both 
fields. 

The supervision of private child care agen- 
cies, when fully developed, generally includes 
the approval of petitions for incorporation 
of institutions or agencies both as to need 
and adequacy, their annual licensing, and 
their periodical inspection, including a finan- 



130 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



cial audit unless this has already been made 
by some competent person or agency. There 
is a tendency at present to emphasize the 
importance of control at the time of incor- 
poration and an educational inspection each 
year, but to lay less stress on licensing when 
there is periodical inspection. 

In the older states especially, private 
agencies and institutions for the care of chil- 
dren preceded the development of public 
systems whether by the state, county, or 
municipal government. When the question 
of support for these agencies became a press- 
ing one, many asked the public authorities 
to provide a part of the cost. These insti- 
tutions or agencies generally have reputable 
and influential men and women on their 
boards of managers whose services express 
devotion if not always special knowledge and 
skill. The general hesitation of citizens to 
trust public authorities with social service 
has led to an extensive development of pub- 
lic support of private agencies or subsidies, 
the extent of whose use and influence in 
America has never been completely fathomed. 
Such subsidies to children's organizations 
are very numerous. They are of two forms, 
the payment per capita for services rendered, 
as in New York and California, and the pay- 
ment of lump sums to the organizations' 
budgets, as in Maryland and Pennsylvania. 
While in the second form of payment the 
amount is supposed to approximate the cost 
of service rendered, it is not actually in 
proportion to the number of children previ- 
ously aided or to be aided in the current 
year. 

There is available testimony that would 
seem to show that either form of subsidy is 
apt to lead to influences being used in the 
legislature or body appropriating the funds 
which have no bearing upon the need for the 
agency or the quality of service rendered by 
it. It has also been observed in certain in- 
stances that subsidies to private children's 
agencies have led them to be less ready to 
act as friendly but fearless critics of govern- 
mental action where the protection of chil- 
dren is involved, for fear that by voicing 



frank criticisms appropriations may be en- 
dangered. 

Massachusetts in 191 3 passed a consti- 
tutional amendment forbidding the payment 
of public money to private organizations. 
New York in 1874 passed a similar amend- 
ment forbidding subsidies from the state 
treasury, but counties and municipalities 
of New York have no such prohibition, and 
per capita payments are extensively and 
generously made. 

In 1909 President Roosevelt called a White 
House Conference on Dependent Children. 
About 200 persons, mostly engaged in foster 
home care, gathered in Washington for two 
days and adopted resolutions which empha- 
sized the value of family life for the bringing 
up of children. Out of this movement came 
the establishment of the Children's Bureau 
of the United States Department of Labor, 
with Julia Lathrop as its first Chief. Another 
result, although coming in a more indirect 
way, was the nation-wide movement for 
widows' pensions and mothers' aid. The 
extent of this influence is best measured by 
the fact that probably as many dependent 
children are now aided in their homes as are 
aided away from home, all since 191 1, when 
the first law was enacted. See Mothers' Aid. 
The second White House Conference, called 
by President Wilson in 1919, did not limit 
its interest to dependent children, but it 
once more called the nation's attention to 
the children in need of special care. A third 
White House Conference was announced in 
1929, to be held in November, 1930. The 
President has again broadened the scope of 
the body. Ample time has been allowed for 
organization, the making of brief studies, 
the gathering of available data, and the 
making of preliminary reports. 

The work of this Conference is divided 
into four sections: I. Medical Service; II. 
Public Health Service and Administration; 
III. Education and Training; and IV. The 
Handicapped, including all children in need 
of special care. These sections are divided 
into 17 committees, and the assistance of 
approximately 800 persons, mostly specialists 



131 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



in their fields, has been enlisted. (See the 
listing of the Conference in Part II.) Out of 
this Conference is likely to come a summary 
of what is known about child care, with rec- 
ommendations for a wider application of its 
principles. 

The Children's Bureau of the United 
States Department of Labor began its work 
in 191 2. While by nature of the federal con- 
stitution the scope of the Bureau's activity 
is limited to study, investigation, and edu- 
cational publicity, its work and reports have 
had a large influence on the care of the de- 
pendent children in many states. Under 
its auspices standards for both foster home 
and institutional care have been developed 
which have had wide acceptance. 

In 191 5 there was organized a Bureau for 
the Exchange of Information Among Child- 
Helping Organizations, which in 1920 be- 
came the Child Welfare League of America, 
with an office in New York equipped for 
field service to its member organizations. 
At first the membership included only 
agencies serving children either in their 
own homes or in foster homes, but in 1923 
the scope of the organization was broadened, 
institutions were accepted into membership, 
and from that time on field service has been 
actively rendered to institutions as well as 
to foster home and other children's organ- 
izations. 

Besides service to member societies, which 
are received on the basis of having acquired 
acceptable standards, the League also has 
rendered extensive service through the ex- 
amination of the work of other agencies, 
with recommendations for their improve- 
ment, and through surveys of child welfare 
programs in various cities for the purpose of 
shaping and reshaping community plans in 
children's work. 

Although boarding home care is not a 
recent development, since it has been in 
vogue for many years in Great Britain and 
on the continent of Europe, as well as in the 
eastern part of the United States, it has had 
its largest development in this country dur- 
ing the last decade. In the census of Chil- 



dren Under Institutional Care, 1923, no 
children were reported cared for in boarding 
family homes in the states of Arkansas, 
Idaho, Montana, Oklahoma, South Dakota, 
and Tennessee. In 16 other states the 
amount of boarding home care did not rise 
to one per cent of the whole of child care, 
and in 10 additional states boarding home 
care was only five per cent of the total 
amount of child care. The states which 
used boarding home care for as much as 10 
per cent of the total amount of child care 
were, in order of volume, Massachusetts, 
New Jersey, Maine, Michigan, Pennsylvania, 
Rhode Island, and the District of Columbia. 
A new census taken now would show sub- 
stantial development in various parts of the 
country. There is also apparent a shrinkage 
in the amount of free home placement, and 
the number of children placed for adoption 
after they have reached the age of four 
seems to be materially reduced. Placement 
for adoption of infants and children under 
four is probably more extensively carried on 
than previously. 

One of the most important developments 
in the field of child care during the last two 
decades is the more careful study of the 
intake of child-placing agencies and child- 
caring institutions. The application of case 
work principles and the emphasis upon the 
use of the child's own home when it can be 
maintained— through mothers' aid, through 
other financial subsidies, or through house- 
keeper service — have had the effect in cer- 
tain cities of reducing the number of chil- 
dren both in institutions and in foster home 
agencies. Both these forms of organization 
are equipping themselves for family adjust- 
ment work and have been rendering mothers' 
aid through their own funds when necessary. 

Institutions, from the nature of their 
work, sooner or later had to find an outlet for 
their children. When they had no homes of 
their own to go back to, some form of place- 
ment had to be undertaken. Generally no 
systematic provision was made for this. The 
examination of the foster home and the 
supervision of the child was usually inci- 



132 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



dental and often lacking. With the applica- 
tion of case work principles this is being 
changed in a number of places. Institutions 
are equipping themselves with home-finding 
and supervisory staff, the stay in the insti- 
tution has become shorter, and systematic 
work is undertaken for the adjustment of the 
child into community life as soon as suitable 
opportunities present themselves. 

One of the most important developments 
in institutional care has been the increasing 
use of small units for the care of children. 
This is generally known as the cottage plan. 
A generation ago a unit of 25 children under 
one roof was considered advantageous. 
Sometimes a husband and wife were in- 
stalled in charge of such cottages; generally, 
however, a cottage mother and an assistant 
were in charge. More recently units of 12 
to 15 have come to be considered more 
favorably. Carson College for Orphan Girls, 
at Flourtown, Pa., and the Methodist Chil- 
dren's Home Society of Michigan, at Detroit, 
have some cottage units for nine children 
each. In smaller units only the cottage 
mother is needed for the children's super- 
vision. 

Child guidance clinics and other forms of 
psychiatric social work have come into use 
in connection with the care of children during 
the past decade. It may not be necessary 
to have every child coming to the attention 
of an institution or child-placing agency 
examined by a psychiatrist, but psycho- 
metric examinations are now almost uni- 
versal among progressive child-caring agen- 
cies and institutions, and when conduct or 
placement difficulties arise, a full psychiatric 
study many times provides the data upon 
which a better adjustment is made. 

An important modification of this service 
is found in the development of the diagnostic 
study home. The first of these to come into 
use was equipped by the New England Home 
for Little Wanderers, Boston. This organ- 
ization, established in 1865, had always had 
a receiving home from which it placed its 
children in accordance with the methods in 
vogue, often at long range, and some of them 



as far away as the central states. About 15 
years ago it equipped itself with a building 
providing comfortably for about 40 children 
for temporary shelter and study and for 
their medical, psychological, and psychiatric 
examinations when all of these were neces- 
sary, in order that a thorough diagnosis of 
the difficulty might be obtained and a better 
adjustment made. The diagnostic service 
of this institution is made available to chil- 
dren's agencies of other cities and states of 
New England, when they feel the need for a 
careful, scientific study of any of their wards. 
The wards of the New England Home for 
Little Wanderers are as rapidly as possible 
adjusted back into their own homes or into 
foster homes or other institutions, in ac- 
cordance with the best plan that may be 
made. Besides the social staff for investi- 
gation, home-finding, and follow-up, and the 
usual institutional staff, the equipment in- 
cludes a pediatrician, a psychologist, and a 
psychiatrist. This diagnostic study home 
plan has had considerable influence on the 
development of other institutions. The 
Children's Community Center of The New 
Haven Orphan Asylum has a similar equip- 
ment, as has the Whaley Memorial Home in 
Flint, Mich. Other institutions of a similar 
character are at present being equipped. 

Many children's institutions and some 
child-placing agencies have acquired sub- 
stantial endowments either by will or by 
gift. The value of an endowment for the 
stabilizing of the finances of an enterprise 
for the care of dependent children is not to 
be denied. If the organization must every 
year raise the total amount of funds needed 
to maintain it, either directly from the pub- 
lic or through the instrumentality of a com- 
munity chest, the uncertainty of whether 
or not the money will be raised will con- 
stantly absorb much time of the executive 
and of the board of directors that can be 
used to better advantage. On the other 
hand, there are many illustrations that 
might be cited to prove that an endowment 
when it is the principal financial resource of 
an organization has a tendency to make the 



133 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



board less energetic and less progressive in 
their reception of new ideas for service. 
Organizations and institutions, therefore, 
should be encouraged to seek endowments 
that will provide a substantial part, but per- 
haps not to exceed two-thirds of the neces- 
sary annual budgets, but always under con- 
ditions that will leave the board of trustees 
with the authority to turn the gifts them- 
selves or the income from endowments to 
new uses when the use for which the money 
has been given is either no longer needed or 
is no longer in accord with the best method 
in child care. 

Present Status. Institutions for the care of 
children or of adults and children were 
on February i, 1923, reported as numbering 
1,558. Although many of them are called 
orphanages, orphans' homes or orphan 
asylums, they rarely have as many as 10 
per cent of full orphans, and the remaining 
number is divided between those having one 
parent living and those having both parents 
living, with the larger number usually in the 
latter class. It is not surprising that the 
number of full orphans is small, because if 
they have any reasonable measure of attract- 
iveness in physical and mental qualities they 
are eagerly sought by childless families. 
The fact that the institutions are full of 
children with at least one parent living lays 
upon them the responsibility for making 
reasonable efforts to return the children to 
their families whenever this seems feasible. 

From the standpoint of the kind of service 
rendered, institutions for dependent chil- 
dren divide themselves into four classes: 
(1) Temporary or receiving homes. These 
are often though not always attached to 
agencies whose principal function is foster 
home care. They are intended primarily for 
shelter and acquaintanceship which will 
make it possible to place the child more 
advantageously in accordance with his needs. 
To them also a child is returned when re- 
placement is necessary and a suitable home 
does not immediately present itself. (2) 
Institutions for permanent care. This num- 



ber is shrinking somewhat because a certain 
group of institutions formerly in this class 
having become convinced that if long-time 
care is necessary the child should be placed 
in a free or boarding home whenever pos- 
sible, now belong to the first class. There 
is no clear-cut division which separates these 
two classes, except the general attitude of the 
Board of Managers in expecting in this class 
to keep the child as long as he is likely to 
require care away from his own family. At 
present there is a tendency noticeable to 
change the name of certain institutions of 
this group, so that they are classed as 
schools, in part because they lay additional 
emphasis upon the quality of education pro- 
vided, and in part to take away some of the 
stigma which the older names are believed 
to lay upon the child. Such a change of 
name does not change the character of the 
problems involved as far as schools provide 
for dependent children. (3) Institutions to 
meet special needs. This group is not yet 
large but is growing in number. There is a 
marked tendency for institutions of a 
generalized character to equip themselves 
for special vocational training for adolescent 
groups of either boys or girls and for other 
special purposes. When the physical and 
personnel equipment meets special needs 
this development is highly desirable. (4) 
Diagnostic study homes. These have already 
been discussed. Some of the more general- 
ized institutions of class one or two are re- 
shaping themselves to fall into this class. 

Of the total of 1,558 institutions for de- 
pendent children or for adults and children 
reported in 1923, 408 were supervised or 
conducted by Protestant denominations, 
371 by the Roman Catholic church, 37 were 
under Jewish auspices, 624 were managed or 
supervised by non-sectarian private cor- 
porations, 92 were under county supervision, 
and 26 under state supervision. On Febru- 
ary 1, 1923, 51,035 children were reported 
as in free family homes, 22,243 m boarding 
family homes, and 4,933 were reported as 
not classified. Many of these last were 
under supervision in their own homes. In 



134 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



institutions of various types there were 
140,312 children, making a total of 218,523, 
or 198 dependent children away from their 
own homes on that date per 100,000 of the 
population. 

The Census Bureau does not furnish a 
complete statement of public or private 
institutions which undertake placement 
work nor of the number of children which 
these various institutions have placed. Only 
a small number of institutions, 22, have 
sought and so far have been admitted into 
membership of the Child Welfare League of 
America, while the number of member 
agencies doing child placing (including some 
of the institutions previously counted) is 103. 
This figure also includes 13 agencies which 
combine protective work with placement 
work. 

Child placing until recently was con- 
sidered competitive with institutional care, 
and in certain quarters is still thought of in 
this way, but a more modern program con- 
siders them supplementary to each other. 
The allocation of children who must be 
provided for away from their own homes is a 
subject to which much thought is being 
given by children's workers, and is still to a 
considerable degree controversial. In gen- 
eral it may be said that infants and young 
children up to the age of six thrive best in 
foster homes. Children above the age of 
six, when removed from their homes, present 
more difficulties for placement and are 
generally found placed in institutions for 
temporary care until they can return home 
or until a suitable foster home has been pro- 
vided. In many communities these children, 
when of ordinary intelligence and conduct, 
make up the bulk of the populations of in- 
stitutions for permanent care. In communi- 
ties where boarding-home care has been well 
developed, normal children above the age of 
six are also satisfactorily placed in boarding 
homes. Children of any age who show 
physical, mental, or conduct difficulties, 
whether in institutions or in the community, 
seem to respond well to foster home care. 
Institutions that equip themselves for the 



purpose of providing special educational and 
vocational needs are emphasizing the value 
of such advantages for adolescent children. 

The care of dependent children, according 
to the United States census report already 
referred to, still rests in large measure in 
private hands. In the 20 central western 
states which have state schools, and in Con- 
necticut, Indiana, and Ohio, which have 
county homes, public care has made a sub- 
stantial beginning. In states like Alabama, 
Minnesota, and North Carolina the state 
departments have attached to them ad- 
ministrative county units in either all or 
most of their counties, and in Iowa, Mis- 
souri, Virginia, and a few other states other 
public units of service have been organized. 
In Alabama and Minnesota this work is 
conducted under the auspices of county 
child welfare boards, while in the other 
states the county boards have a broader 
purpose, usually including family relief, 
probation, and other welfare services. 

A complete public service to children 
cannot be satisfactorily rendered from one 
center except in a few of the smaller states. 
The county lends itself well as an adminis- 
trative unit, particularly when it is under the 
general direction of the State Department of 
Public Welfare and when its staff has been 
chosen because of special fitness for the task. 
In the larger states public and private ser- 
vices for dependent children will both be 
needed, but in the smaller cities and towns 
and in the rural districts the care of depen- 
dent children will depend in the immediate 
future and probably for all time on the 
quality of public service that is available. 

New Emphases. In modern institutional 
care the following points are particularly 
stressed: (1) The use of small cottages to 
house the children; (2) the application of 
social service so that care in the institution 
becomes a part of the case work process; 
(3) a health program that will integrate a 
service of isolation, periodical physical ex- 
aminations, and preventive follow-up treat- 
ment; (4) a recreational program so that 



135 



Dependent and Neglected Children 



the child may learn the elements of team 
work, and may also have contacts through 
it with the world outside of the institution; 
(5) use of the extra-mural schools for addi- 
tional normal community contacts; (6) a 
trained personnel at every point. 

The foster home program meanwhile 
emphasizes especially the following points: 

(1) The preservation of the child's own home 
by additional relief or service if necessary; 

(2) a periodical examination of the child, 
preferably every six months, and the atten- 
dant preventive follow-up treatment; (3) 
home finding that aims to place a child 
where he will have just the influence most 
needed for him as an individual; (4) super- 
vision that is as little inspectional as is 
necessary and stimulates foster parents to 
assume their full responsibility toward the 
child. 

The development of child guidance clinics 
and other mental hygiene services is extend- 
ing the use of foster homes to children who 
can hardly be considered dependent, and 
psychiatrists are frequently recommending 
temporary foster home care for children, 
even when there is neither dependence nor 
neglect, if one or more members of the family, 
sometimes the parents themselves, interfere 
with the child's normal development. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
The work for dependent children, whether 
through foster home or institutional care, 
requires special training. Schools of social 
work have come to recognize this, and a 
number of them, like the New York, Boston, 
Philadelphia, Cleveland, Chicago, St. Louis, 
and other schools, are giving special courses 
for training in children's work and provide 
field work under the supervision of ex- 
perienced children's workers. The New 
York, Cleveland, and Chicago schools have 
also established courses for the training of 
institution executives and other workers. 

The demand for social workers in chil- 
dren's institutions or agencies far outstrips 
the number that have been trained for such 
service by schools of social work, and it is 



therefore still necessary for many children's 
agencies, particularly those located in cities 
where there are no schools of social work, 
to train some or all of their own workers. 
In a few agencies the apprenticeship train- 
ing given is carefully planned and super- 
vised. 

Several states, like Alabama and North 
Carolina, have standardized requirements for 
employment as executives of their county 
child welfare boards. Civil service examina- 
tions, like those given in Massachusetts and 
Ohio, have only partially taken cognizance 
of special training in foster home or insti- 
tutional care. Many state departments have 
held or encouraged the holding of institutes 
for the training of social workers in the chil- 
dren's field in connection with state con- 
ferences of social work, and traveling teachers 
of case work have been used by the Child 
Welfare League of America and other agen- 
cies. Various institutions and agencies 
during the past few years have sent social 
case workers to schools of social work on 
scholarship or fellowship. 

Developments and Events, igig. The year 
saw legislative sessions in 43 states. Little 
change was made in the statutes of these 
states as they related to children's agencies 
and institutions. In Michigan (No. 124) 
children committed to the State Public 
School may now be placed out in boarding 
homes. The school is to pay the cost of main- 
tenance, and the superintendent of the school 
is required to investigate these boarding 
homes. Texas passed a law (Ch. 204) pro- 
viding for the investigation and licensing of 
day nurseries, children's boarding homes, 
child-placing and other agencies caring for 
children under the age of 15 by the State 
Board of Health, to which these agencies 
must also make reports, as there is no state 
board of charity or department of public 
welfare in this state. 

During the year California examined the 
operation of the adoption law, which had 
been amended in 1927 so as to require an 
investigation of every petition for adoption 



136 



Desertion and Non-Support 



to be made by the State Department of 
Social Welfare. After this examination it 
was estimated that three-fourths of the 
children adopted were born out of wedlock, 
and that they were frequently placed directly 
from hospitals by doctors, lawyers, ministers, 
and friends without proper investigation. 
Apparently the law has resulted in fewer 
adoptions, both because of the deterrent 
effect and because the Department has 
sometimes by its intervention been able to 
aid mothers to keep their children instead 
ofgivingthem up for adoption. See Adoption. 
The largest development during the year 
in any state came in Alabama, where under 
an optional statute the State Department of 
Child Welfare practically completed the 
organization of the state through the estab- 
lishment of county units of child welfare in 
all but one of its 67 counties with a trained or 
partly trained person in charge of each 
county. In Cuyahoga County, Ohio (Cleve- 
land), the organization of a County Child 
Welfare Board was authorized. Its first 
budget is $350,000, much of which came by 
transfer from other public or private agencies 
which had previously rendered part of the 
services now consolidated under one head. 

Consult: Folks, Homer: Care of Destitute, Neg- 
lected, and Delinquent Children, 1902; Healy, 
Bronner, Baylor, and Murphy: Reconstructing 
Behavior in Youth, 1929; Thurston, H. W.: The 
Dependent Child, 1930; Jamison, A. T.: The 
Institution for Children (Baptist Book Depository, 
Columbia, S. C), not dated; Lundberg, Emma 
O. : State Commissions for the Study and Revision 
of Child Welfare Laws (Children's Bureau, United 
States Department of Labor, Publication No. 131), 
1924; Hewins, Webster, and Evans: The Work 
of Child Placing Agencies (Publication No. 171 of 
the same Bureau), 1927; Children's Bureau, 
United States Department of Labor: Standards 
of Child Welfare (Publication No. 60), 19 19, 
Foster Home Care for Dependent Children (Publica- 
tion No. 136), 1929, and Handbook for the Use of 
Boards of Directors, Superintendents, and Staffs of 
Institutions for Dependent Children (Publication 
No. 170), 1927; Murphy, J. Prentice: "The 
Superficial Character of Child Caring Work," in 
Proceedings of the National Conference of Social 



Work, 1922; Carstens, C. C: "Some Conclusions 
Based on a Series of Studies by the Child Welfare 
League of America, " and McHugh, Rose: "Some 
Conclusions from a Series of Studies by the Na- 
tional Catholic Welfare Conference," in the same 
Proceedings, 1929; Reeder, R. R.: "Our Or- 
phaned Asylums," in the Survey, June 1, 1925; 
"The Matter of Orphanages" — Comments and 
criticisms relating to the preceding article from 
several social workers, in the Survey, September 
15, 1925; Reeder, R. R.: "The Place of Chil- 
dren's Institutions," in the Survey, January 15, 
1929; "Children's Institutions"— Communica- 
tions to the editor criticizing the preceding article, 
in the Survey, March 15, 1929, and Deardorff, 
Neva R.: "The New Pied Pipers," in the Survey, 
April 1, 1924. 

C. C. Carstens 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 

DESERTION AND NON-SUPPORT. No 
problem with which social agencies deal has a 
more demoralizing effect on society than that 
of desertion and non-support. A non-sup- 
porter is regarded as one who, though in the 
home, fails to provide for his family, and a 
deserter as one who, in addition to that 
failure, leaves his home. Man is highly 
organized, therefore complex in his reactions, 
and it is impossible to state that any single 
factor is the cause of desertion, because 
contributing factors are always present. 
Desertion is a symptom and not a cause, and 
if this symptom, or the defect which it con- 
notes, could be recognized in its early stage 
social treatment could be effected and many 
cases of desertion avoided. If the contribut- 
ing factors of incompatibility, interference 
of relatives, immorality, intemperance, un- 
employment, nagging, hasty, mercenary, 
or forced marriages, and emotional in- 
stability and mental disturbances which lead 
to desertion could be recognized as easily and 
quickly as physical disability or the necessity 
for material relief, the potential problem 
could be dealt with before desertion occurs. 
The mental clinics of the future, it is 
hoped, will develop a program whereby 



137 



Desertion and Non-Support 



young people will learn how dependent suc- 
cessful married life is on the mental attitudes 
of husband and wife. The serious menace to 
marriage comes from emotionally unstable 
young people who refuse responsibility for 
parenthood, and are unprepared for the 
necessary give and take of married life and 
the economic emergencies which will occur. 
If marriage is given serious consideration and 
study, family solidarity will be strengthened. 
Desertion as a symptom of mental disease 
needs to be recognized and treated before the 
break occurs, just as the predisposition to 
tuberculosis is recognized and treated to pre- 
vent illness and death. 

For many years family agencies, child- 
caring agencies, courts, and other social 
organizations have been finding desertion 
one of their most difficult problems, and in 
the last few years it has come to be con- 
sidered a community problem. Agencies 
have united in community committees to 
study it and to study the facilities, both 
public and private, for meeting it. For 
many years there has been a national body, 
the National Desertion Bureau, organized to 
locate Jewish deserters. 

During the past four years social workers 
interested in the problem have met at the 
National Conference of Social Work. This 
group is known as the National Committee 
on Desertion. In 1928 a report was made to 
the committee giving the results of a nation- 
wide questionnaire sent to selected agencies 
on the extent and cost of the problem and 
the advisability of establishing a national 
bureau to cooperate with existing agencies. 
The replies showed that there was little 
data of statistical value available. In 1929, 
as a result of this report, further studies were 
made of desertion cases in Cleveland and in 
San Francisco, primarily in relation to the 
cost and extent of the problem. Cleveland, 
went farther than San Francisco and com- 
puted the number of hours' service given to 
deserted families by social agencies, the cost 
of material relief, institutional care, child 
care, hospitals, dispensaries, maternity homes, 
and public health nursing. The study cov- 



ered 533 families known over a period of 
six winter months to the following Cleveland 
agencies: Associated Charities, Children's 
Bureau, Humane Society, Jewish Social 
Service Bureau, Salvation Army, and Wel- 
fare Association for Jewish Children. A 
social interpretation of this study has not 
been made, but the statistical report seems 
to show these families to be a normal group, 
for the percentages according to population, 
nationality, and religion correspond to the 
same groupings in the population of the 
city. The cost to the community was 
shown to be $78,000 for six months. If the 
loss of income to the family had been counted 
the total would be much more. 

Desertion laws in the different states, 
even at the present time, range from those 
which declare the offense to be a misde- 
meanor in the lowest grade to those in which 
it is regarded as the highest grade of felony. 
The problem must be interpreted under 
present conditions and not according to those 
of 20 years ago, and old-fashioned tools must 
be replaced by new ones, both legal and 
social. Whether desertion should be a mis- 
demeanor or a felony has been a disputed 
question, due to the difference of opinion as 
to whether it is more important to punish a 
non-supporter or to enable or induce him to 
support his family. 

There is no uniformity of law on this sub- 
ject. More could be accomplished by the 
adoption of uniform laws in all states — 
empowering authorities to punish a deserter 
regardless of his place of legal residence — 
than by means of any national law. 

Consult: Mowrer, Ernest: Family Disorgani- 
sation, 1927, and Domestic Discord, 1928; Colcord, 
Joanna C: Broken Homes (A Study of Family 
Desertion and its Social Treatment), 19 19; and 
Sherman, Corrine: "Racial Factors in Desertion," 
in The Family for October, November, and De- 
cember, 1922, and January, 1923. 

Elizabeth Parrish Leitch 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 



138 



Detention Homes 



DETENTION HOMES. The needs of de- 
pendent, neglected, and delinquent children 
who are held pending the disposition of 
their cases by properly authorized courts are 
receiving increasing attention. The possi- 
bility of mental and physical dangers to the 
individual child, the certain expense to the 
community, and the uncertain results from 
prevailing methods of detention suggest the 
importance of careful study of existing pro- 
grams. 

The use of publicly supported detention 
homes has had general acceptance. A re- 
cent comprehensive study of the Wayne 
County Detention Home (Detroit, Mich.), 
characteristic of surveys elsewhere, indi- 
cates that there are many unnecessary 
admissions and occasional long delays before 
cases are finally disposed of. The report 
wisely concludes that adequate standards 
of case work, inter-agency cooperation be- 
tween police and child-caring societies, and a 
well-defined policy of intake and mainte- 
nance are necessary to prevent serious 
abuse of detention placement. Further- 
more, since the Detroit institution provides 
for the custodial care of selected cases only, 
the report urges the development of the 
necessary safeguards of protective segrega- 
tion, constructive supervision, and early re- 
lease in the case of children detained only 
pending hearing. Social experimentation is 
showing that there are very few children 
in any community for whom such isolated 
care must necessarily be provided. The 
wisdom of its use for corrective purposes 
and for scientific observation is still much 
doubted. 

The detention facilities of a congregate 
type developed by a few private child-caring 
agencies present similar problems. This 
plan demands equally well-defined policies of 
admission and control, and calls for exact 
definition of responsibility and determina- 
tion by the community of the quality and 
quantity of service to be rendered. 

The boarding-home plan of detention, 
commonly known as the "Boston System," 
utilizes private family placement on a sub- 



sidy basis. (See Delinquent Children — 
Foster Home Care.) It offers selective, 
individualized care which is generally ad- 
vantageous to the child. A survey of the 
field shows increasing acceptance of this 
plan and suggests its suitability for rural 
areas where a specialized institution is 
costly and undesirable. The detention of 
children in almshouses or in special sections 
of jails and police stations is recognized as 
undesirable. Although such placements are 
widely used in some districts, the modern 
point of view is now demanding an altered 
plan of care. This may most often be pro- 
vided by private family placement under 
adequate supervision of trained case workers. 
A nation-wide study of methods of deten- 
tion of children was begun during 1929, un- 
der the auspices of the National Probation 
Association, on a grant of $33,000 from the 
Bureau of Social Hygiene. The purpose of 
the study, which is to be completed by Janu- 
ary 1 , 1932, is to survey the systems of caring 
for children pending court disposition, to 
evaluate these systems, and to prepare recom- 
mendations of practical use to social workers 
and to communities which must meet the 
important and far-reaching problem of how 
best to provide temporary care for depen- 
dent, neglected, and delinquent children 
whose circumstances render care of this sort 
a necessity. 

Consult: Lenroot and Lundberg: Juvenile 
Courts at Work (Children's Bureau, U. S. Depart- 
ment of Labor, Publication No. 141), 1925; 
Healy and Bronner: Delinquents and Criminals, 
Their Making and Unmaking, 1926; Lenroot, 
K. F.: "Progressive Methods of Care of Children 
Pending Juvenile Court Hearing," in Proceedings, 
National Probation Association, 1926; Lou, 
Herbert H.: Juvenile Courts in the United States 
(Section on Detention), 1927; Millis, Savilla: 
The Juvenile Detention Home in Relation to 
Juvenile Court Policy, 1927. 

Harrison A. Dobbs 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 



139 



Diphtheria Prevention 



DIPHTHERIA PREVENTION. Diph- 
theria is caused by a germ which attacks the 
mucous membranes of the nose, throat, and 
larynx. Infection can be spread through 
contact with sick persons or with articles 
touched by the discharge from such persons' 
noses or throats. In many cases people who 
have had the disease, or who have been ex- 
posed to it, become diphtheria carriers; that 
is, they carry the germs in their noses and 
throats and may infect others, although ap- 
parently well themselves. Diphtheria takes 
its greatest death toll among children under 
five years of age, although those up to 10 
years are well within the danger period. Un- 
less promptly treated with antitoxin, out of 
ioo children who have diphtheria from 25 to 
40 die, and those who recover are often left 
with weak hearts or other permanent physi- 
cal defects. Older persons are less subject to 
the disease. 

The great need for preventive measures 
against diphtheria can be seen in the com- 
paratively high death rate from this disease. 
In 1926, the most recent year for which na- 
tion-wide statistics are available, the death 
rate from diphtheria in the registration area 
of the United States was 7.5 per 100,000 
of population. In 1928 the following rates 
were reported for the following cities, ar- 
ranged here by the size of their respective 
rates: Newark, 20.0; Detroit, 16.2; Chi- 
cago, 14.5; Pittsburgh, 11.6; Buffalo, 11.3; 
Philadelphia, 11.1; New York City, 10.7; 
Cleveland, 10.3; Providence, 9.1; Cincin- 
nati, 8.9; Washington, 8.2; Boston, 7.9; 
Baltimore, 7.6; Los Angeles, 7.1; Milwau- 
kee, 6.3; Minneapolis, 5.3; San Francisco, 
3.0; St. Paul, 1.7; and Seattle, 1.0. 

History and Present Status. Organized 
activities for the elimination of diphtheria 
owe their origin and effectiveness to the dis- 
covery by von Behring, in 1893, of anti- 
toxin, a serum which effects a cure in most 
cases of the disease if administered early 
enough; and to the introduction by von 
Behring, Park, and others, in 1913, of toxin- 
antitoxin (a mixture of diphtheria poison 



with antitoxin) which, when given to children 
in three doses a week apart, protects most of 
these children against diphtheria for life. To 
combat diphtheria successfully in any com- 
munity it is necessary thus to immunize 
every child before it reaches its first birth- 
day, preferably when it is nine months old, 
as it inherits a natural immunity from the 
mother which lasts until about that time. 
But in new territories, instead of concen- 
trating efforts upon the babies alone, it is 
also essential to immunize all children under 
10 years of age. 

Within the past few years state and city 
health departments throughout the United 
States have begun to conduct intensive cam- 
paigns to have all children immunized 
against diphtheria, and the results of these 
efforts are already beginning to be evident. 
In the city of Auburn, N. Y., the death rate 
from diphtheria has fallen from 38.4 to 
zero, and in Middletown, N. Y., there has 
not been a single death from diphtheria since 
192 1. In San Joaquin County, Cal., the 
death rate was reduced from 51 to 2.6, and 
New Haven, Detroit, and other cities have 
also greatly reduced the prevalence of the 
disease. Typical of the measures used in 
diphtheria prevention campaigns are those 
of the New York City Department of Health, 
which began on January 1, 1929, to make an 
intensive effort to wipe out diphtheria alto- 
gether in the municipality. A committee 
of 50 leading citizens was organized and the 
cooperation of the press, county medical 
societies, private and public health organiza- 
tions, and different nationality groups was 
enlisted. The chief problem was to con- 
vince parents of the need and value of toxin- 
antitoxin treatments and get them to send 
their children to the family doctor or to the 
baby health stations of the Department of 
Health. As a means of parent education 
the commission utilized the radio, news- 
paper columns, talking motion pictures, 
moving electric signs, posters in transit 
vehicles, rallies and conferences in schools 
and churches, posters in the offices of physi- 
cians, and innumerable other avenues of ap- 



140 



Disaster Relief 



proach. The city health department di- 
rected the campaign, utilizing such public 
funds as were available for the purpose and 
supplementing them by grants from the 
Milbank Memorial Fund and the Metro- 
politan Life Insurance Company. As fast 
as the procedures are developed, tested and 
found effective, they are made a part of the 
routine of the health department, to be 
carried by means of public funds exclusively. 

As a result of the commission's work 
211,985 children were immunized against 
diphtheria during 1929, as compared with 
approximately 50,000 children immunized 
in 1928. How effective this work has been 
can be noted from the fact that the death 
rate from diphtheria in 1929 was reduced to 
7.63 per 100,000 from 10.67, the rate of the 
preceding year. This means the saving of 
179 lives as the result of one year's work. 

Among other cities which conducted anti- 
diphtheria campaigns during 1929 were: 
Oswego, N. Y.; Baltimore, Md.; Wilming- 
ton, Del.; Topeka, Kan.; Charleston, S. C; 
Orlando, Fla.; Daytona Beach, Fla.; Win- 
ston-Salem, N. C; and others. 

Consult: Park, Williams, and Krumwiede: 
Pathogenic Micro-organisms, 1929; Nuttall and 
Graham-Smith: The Bacteriology of Diphtheria, 
19 1 3 (articles by Park, Wm. H., and Bolduan, 
Charles F., and a bibliography); Park, Wm. H.: 
Public Health and Hygiene, 1928; and Diphtheria 
Prevention Commission, New York City Depart- 
ment of Health: How to Protect Children from 
Diphtheria, a Handbook of Information (1929), 
and The Plan of New York's Diphtheria Campaign 
(a mimeographed report), 1928. 



For related articles 
Classified, on page 20 



Shirley W. Wynne 
see Topical Articles, 



DISASTER RELIEF is probably the most 
spectacular of all forms of social work. It 
has also been one of the most difficult fields 
to organize. Disasters make instant appeal 
to the emotions and large sums are given for 
relief. Great emergencies are a challenge to 
the organizing forces of successful business 
men, and it was chiefly through their plan- 



ning, supplementary to important services 
of army and navy officials, and affected but 
little by the plans of social agencies, that 
relief in this country's most conspicuous 
disasters was administered until within 
comparatively recent years. Today the re- 
sources and abilities of the three groups are 
utilized cooperatively. For this changed 
situation the American National Red Cross, 
organized on this side of the Atlantic in 1 88 1 , 
has been primarily responsible. With in- 
creasing prestige, increased funds, and an 
enlarged permanent staff— expansible in 
emergencies through joint understandings 
with social agencies throughout the country 
—it was able even before the World War, 
and conspicuously since that period, to repre- 
sent the field of social work as well as the 
Nation in this important form of service. 
The present article, accordingly, deals en- 
tirely with disaster relief under the auspices 
of the American Red Cross. By the charter 
granted to the organization by Congress, 
its obligations include among others the 
following: "To continue and carry on a 
system of national and international relief 
in time of peace and to apply the same in 
mitigating the sufferings caused by pesti- 
lence, famine, fire, floods, and other national 
calamities, and to devise and carry on 
measures for preventing the same. " During 
the 48 years from July 1, 1 881, to June 30, 
1929, it gave assistance in 1,014 disasters 
in the United States. Its expenditures for 
domestic disaster relief during the period 
were $52,774,328. These disasters included 
271 cyclones, tornadoes, hurricanes and other 
storms, 152 floods, and 139 fires. In addition 
there were mine disasters, explosions, epi- 
demics, forest fires, building collapses, steam- 
boat wrecks, train wrecks and numerous 
other types of catastrophes. Conspicuous 
among these were the following, with the 
organization's relief expenditures in each 
case: San Francisco fire (1906), $3,087,469; 
Ohio Valley floods (191 3), $2,472,287; 
Texas flood and cyclone (1919), $534,920; 
Missouri, Illinois and Indiana tornado 
(1925), $3,256,017; Florida hurricane (1926), 



141 



Disaster Relief 



$4,484,280; Mississippi Valley flood (1927), 
$16,994,868; and the West Indies hurricane 
(1928), $5,898,725. 

The Red Cross national headquarters in 
Washington, with branch offices in St. 
Louis and San Francisco, is organized to 
take immediate action in the event of a dis- 
aster. The emergency organization is built 
around a small permanent disaster staff of 
experienced relief workers. In case of a 
catastrophe all 990 employes of the national 
organization in the United States are avail- 
able for disaster assignment, and many of 
them have had disaster experience. In- 
cluded are 87 field representatives who 
travel throughout the several states to assist 
Red Cross chapters in their local programs, 
and also 308 camp, hospital, and liaison 
office workers stationed in Army, Navy, and 
Veterans' Bureau posts and headquarters. 
In addition, through understandings with 
many social case work agencies, the national 
organization has a reserve corps of workers, 
employed by these agencies, who may be 
assigned temporarily to Red Cross disaster 
work. 

The 3,547 Red Cross chapters, with their 
12,673 branches, are also prepared to give 
immediate emergency relief in their com- 
munities when disaster strikes. The local 
chapter notifies the national headquarters or 
the appropriate branch office, and the na- 
tional organization extends whatever assist- 
ance is necessary to support the chapter in 
its relief program. In large disasters it is 
sometimes necessary for the national organi- 
zation to take direct charge of the relief 
work, assisted by the local chapter or chap- 
ters. The executive committee, the disaster 
preparedness and relief committee, and other 
local committees are composed of representa- 
tive citizens. An increasing number of 
chapters have a disaster preparedness and 
relief committee, with subcommittees on 
food, clothing, shelter, medical aid, registra- 
tion and information, transportation and 
communication, and finance. Larger chap- 
ters sometimes have subcommittees also on 
survey and intelligence, and on rescue. In 



developing disaster plans all local resources, 
including the army and navy stations and 
all local public and private cooperating agen- 
cies, are listed, and arrangements are made 
by which these resources may be applied as 
a unit to prevent suffering when disasters 
occur. 

The United States Government assists the 
Red Cross program by providing ships, 
aeroplanes, radio communication facilities, 
tents, cots, blankets and other government 
property and service. In addition, the 
several departments and other divisions of 
the government give the Red Cross the bene- 
fit of the advisory service of their experienced 
personnel. State and local governments 
and other organizations also give assistance. 

As a result of its experience the Red Cross 
has developed a complete procedure and 
technique for handling disaster situations. 
Manuals have been issued for the guidance 
of chapters and branches and for the use of 
the personnel of the national organization. 
Most disaster relief operations involve two 
periods— emergency relief and rehabilita- 
tion. During the emergency period the 
Red Cross cares for the urgent temporary 
needs, such as food, clothing, shelter, and 
medical aid. In the rehabilitation period 
the Red Cross considers the needs of each 
family affected by the disaster, and when- 
ever necessary endeavors to supplement the 
family's resources to enable it to regain a 
self-supporting status in the community. 
Some of the policies which the Red Cross has 
developed in this field are the following: 
(a) The only proper basis for aid from the 
relief fund is need— not loss, (b) Disaster 
relief funds may not be used to meet needs 
not due directly to the disaster, (c) No 
loans will be made; help is freely extended 
and creates no obligation on the part of the 
recipient, (d) Families moving away from 
the area will receive the same consideration 
as those remaining, (e) Cash grants will be 
given only when the facts established in the 
case investigation indicate conclusively that 
this is the best way to help the family, (f) 
Individual awards and case records must be 



142 



Domestic Relations Courts 



treated as strictly confidential, (g) When- 
ever possible, orders for supplies will be 
placed with local merchants, for in this way 
both the beneficiary and the merchant — 
who is often also a disaster sufferer— are as- 
sisted, and the whole community benefited. 

Consult: O'Connor, C. J., and others: San 
Francisco Relief Survey, Russell Sage Foundation, 
191 3; Deacon, J. Byron: Disasters, and the 
American Red Cross in Disaster Relief, 1918; 
American National Red Cross: Annual Reports, 
1905 to 1929, When Disaster Strikes — Procedure 
for Red Cross Chapters, 1929; Disaster Preparedness 
and Relief— A Manual for Chapters, 1929, and 
reports on individual disasters. 

John D. Cremer, Jr. 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. 

DISPENSARIES. See Clinics and Out- 
patient Departments. 

DOMESTIC RELATIONS COURTS are 
organized either for the purpose of provid- 
ing specialized court treatment for certain 
classes of family cases, such as non-support 
and desertion, or with the aim of centralizing 
all matters relating to the family in one court 
equipped to give social case treatment. The 
terms "domestic relations court" and "fam- 
ily court" are often used interchangeably, 
but the tendency is to reserve the latter term 
for courts having comprehensive jurisdic- 
tion over both juvenile and adult cases. 

Family courts, in the words of Judge 
Charles W. Hoffman, of Cincinnati, a leader 
in the movement for their establishment, are 
established "for the consideration of all 
matters relating to the family in one court 
of exclusive jurisdiction in which the same 
methods of procedure shall prevail as in the 
juvenile court, and in which it will be possi- 
bleto consider social evidence as distinguished 
from legal evidence. " To another judge who 
has been interested in this movement, Ed- 
ward F. Waite, of Minneapolis, these courts 
represent "the interest of the State in the 
conservation of childhood, the intimate in- 
terrelation of all justiciable questions involv- 

10 143 



ing family life, and the need for administra- 
tive aid in the wise solution of such ques- 
tions." 

Family courts vary greatly in jurisdiction, 
organization, and procedure. On the first 
basis they may be classified as follows: (a) 
The family court with juvenile and compre- 
hensive adult jurisdiction, including chil- 
dren's cases, cases of divorce, desertion and 
non-support, and contributingto delinquency 
and dependency; (b) the family court of 
juvenile and limited adult jurisdiction, in- 
cluding divorce or desertion and non-support, 
but not including both of these types of 
cases; (c) the juvenile court with compre- 
hensive adult jurisdiction, not including di- 
vorce; (d) the domestic relations court with- 
out juvenile or divorce jurisdiction; and (e) 
the municipal or district court with juvenile 
and domestic relations divisions. 

The organization of family courts of all 
types includes the segregation on the calen- 
dar of the cases included in the classification 
and the service of officers specializing in the 
social treatment of these cases. The proced- 
ure of a fully developed court includes ad- 
justment of cases without official court 
action when possible, informal hearings in 
which only those concerned in the case are 
present, social investigation, and probation- 
ary supervision, or other follow-up service. 
Only a few courts, however, have developed 
all these types of service in domestic rela- 
tions as distinguished from juvenile cases. 

History and Present Status. Domestic rela- 
tions courts owe their origin both to the ex- 
tension of juvenile court jurisdiction and to 
the development of probation in criminal 
courts. Very early in the history of juvenile 
courts the need for including in their juris- 
diction certain types of adult cases became 
apparent. In 1903 Colorado enacted a law 
making contributing to delinquency an 
offense within juvenile court jurisdiction. 
Nearly all juvenile courts now hear some 
adult cases, but the nature of the court's 
jurisdiction varies from state to state. The 
first court designated as a court of domestic 



Domestic Relations Courts 



relations, however, was given no juvenile 
jurisdiction. It is a division of the city 
court of Buffalo, created in 1910 to deal with 
all criminal cases relating to domestic or 
family affairs, and bastardy cases, which 
were transferred to another court in 1926. 

The first court with jurisdiction over both 
domestic relations and juvenile cases was 
established in 1914 in Hamilton County 
(Cincinnati), Ohio, as a division of the court 
of common pleas. In that court, for the 
first time, divorce cases were brought into a 
court especially organized to deal with child 
welfare and family life. Virginia in 1922 was 
the first state to establish a state-wide sys- 
tem of family courts, though the children's 
courts of New York State, created in the 
same year, have extensive domestic relations 
jurisdiction. 

The family court movement has gained 
wide recognition in the past 15 years. In 
addition to the many states in which the 
juvenile court has greater or less jurisdiction 
over domestic relations cases, the family 
court, in which children's cases and specified 
types of adult cases are heard, has been 
established throughout the states of New 
Jersey and Virginia, in seven counties in 
Ohio, and in one or more communities in 
Alabama, Missouri, North Carolina, Oregon, 
Tennessee, West Virginia, and the Territory 
of Hawaii. The domestic relations court 
with adult jurisdiction only has been es- 
tablished in parts of Illinois, Massachusetts, 
New Jersey, and New York. In other 
states — including Iowa, Nebraska, and 
Pennsylvania, and also in Massachusetts- 
organization for juvenile and domestic rela- 
tions work has been developed by municipal 
and district courts. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Few members of the probation departments 
of courts of domestic relations have the 
training or experience specified as desirable 
in the juvenile court standards drawn up by a 
committee appointed by the United States 
Children's Bureau; namely, graduation 
from college or its equivalent, or from a 



school of social work and at least one year's 
experience in case work under supervision. 
This may be explained in part by the salaries 
paid, which as a rule have been inadequate 
though increasing somewhat in recent years, 
and in part by the fact that in most com- 
munities probation work has not yet been 
placed upon as firm a professional basis as 
social work by family welfare societies or 
child-caring agencies with high standards. 

In a majority of the 26 family courts of 
different types recently studied by the 
United States Children's Bureau, appoint- 
ments of probation officers were made from 
eligible lists established after examinations 
held by civil service commissions or other 
agencies. As a rule definite standards of 
education and experience were not pre- 
scribed in these examinations. {The Child, 
The Family, and The Court, Part I, General 
Findings and Recommendations, p. 37.) 

Legislation, 1929. The most important laws 
passed during the year were the following: 
A New Jersey law(Ch. 157) creating a state- 
wide system of family courts, such courts 
having been established previously in first- 
class counties only; a North Carolina law 
(Ch. 343) establishing new family courts 
with juvenile and comprehensive adult 
jurisdiction in Mecklenburg County; a 
Tennessee law (Private Acts, Ch. 675) doing 
the same for Hamilton County in that state; 
and an Oregon law (Ch. 183) establishing a 
family court for Multnomah County with 
larger jurisdiction than the court which it 
succeeded, divorce suits being included if 
uncontested and if they involved children 
under 18 years of age. The three counties 
last named include the cities of Charlotte, 
N. C, Chattanooga, Tenn., and Portland, Ore. 
The most important bills in this field 
which failed to become laws were the follow- 
ing: a Pennsylvania bill to establish a family 
court in Philadelphia; a Washington bill to 
establish a domestic relations court in Pierce 
County, which includes the city of Tacoma; 
and a Connecticut bill to create a commis- 
sion to study the entire subject. 



144 



Drug Addiction 



Other Events and Developments, ig2g. Among 
the developments of the year in addition to 
legislation, mention may be made of the 
following matters: Salaries of probation 
officers in family courts, and also the num- 
ber of such officers, were increased in some 
communities, and from a few communities 
there were reports of an increasing tendency 
to use psychiatric clinical service or increased 
cooperation with other social agencies; new 
programs for the treatment of domestic rela- 
tions cases were developed in some com- 
munities without special family courts or 
courts of domestic relations. For example, 
in Cuyahoga County (Cleveland), Ohio, one 
judge of the court of common pleas has been 
assigned to domestic relations cases, and 
these have been segregated on the calendar. 
The plan is for the 12 common pleas judges 
to rotate, each in turn devoting one year to 
this class of litigation. In San Antonio the 
district attorney has designated two of his 
assistants to manage a department called 
"Wife and Child Abandonment Court." 
This department receives complaints for 
wife desertion and collects support for wives 
and children. 

During the year the Children's Bureau 
conducted the second part of its study {The 
Child, The Family, and The Court), con- 
sisting of descriptions of court organiza- 
tion and administration in the communities 
visited, and prepared a chart (published in 
1930) showing courts having original juris- 
diction in children's cases and cases of do- 
mestic relations; the National Probation 
Association made studies in Denver, Colo., 
Polk County, Iowa, Douglas County, Neb., 
and Multnomah County, Ore.; the Division 
of Probation of the State Department of 
Correction made a confidential study of 
the children's courts of New York State 
(courts which have comprehensive adult 
jurisdiction) and a study of the family 
court of New York City; and the Penn- 
sylvania Committee on Penal Affairs 
made a study of the treatment of adult 
offenders and children in several Pennsyl- 
vania counties. 



Consult: National Probation Association: Bib- 
liography, 1926, and Annual Proceedings; United 
States Children's Bureau: The Child, The Family 
and the Court, Part I (Publication No. 193), 1929; 
Dutcher, Elizabeth: "Some Techniques for the 
Treatment of Domestic Discord Used by Case 
Workers," in Social Forces, June, 1929; Mowrer, 
Ernest R.: "A Sociological Analysis of the Con- 
tents of 2,000 Case Records with Special Reference 
to the Treatment of Family Discord," in Social 
Forces, June, 1929; Shelly, P. J.: The Social 
and Economic Value of the Family Court (New 
York Department of Correction, Division of Pro- 
bation), 1929; Zunser, Charles: "Family Desertion" 
(Report on a study of 423 cases), in Annals of the 
American Academy, September, 1929. 

Katharine F. Lenroot 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 



DOMESTIC SERVICE. 

Employment. 



See Household 



DRAMATICS. See Amateur Dramatics. 

DRUG ADDICTION, for the purposes of 
this article, is limited to addiction to opium 
and cocaine, their derivatives and prepara- 
tions. The problem of opium addiction is 
known to have existed almost since the 
earliest recorded medical use of the drug, 
which dates back to 4,000 B.C. With the 
invention of the hypodermic syringe in 1845, 
a considerable impetus was given to addic- 
tion to morphine. The use of these drugs 
had previously been described as "appe- 
tites," and the users were termed "eaters." 
It was thought at first that the injection of 
morphine under the skin would not give rise 
to the opium appetite, and the procedure was 
hailed as a means of preventing addiction to 
the drug where its medical use was required 
for considerable periods of time. That these 
assumptions were ill-founded is well-known. 
When the production of heroin began in 
Germany in 1898, this opium derivative, 
more properly known as diacetylmorphine, 
was also received enthusiastically, and 



145 



Drug Addiction 



among its earliest uses was that for the 
treatment of morphinism. While a few 
early warnings were published ( 1899- 1900- 
1901), medical literature as a whole until 
about 1 910 continued to claim that heroin 
was devoid of harmful effects. 

The extent of addiction to opium is not 
known with accuracy in any country. In 
the United States many estimates have 
been made, the most recent ones varying 
from 110,000 to 1,000,000. It is practically 
the only addiction-forming drug known that 
presents peculiarly difficult problems in 
connection with its renunciation by the user. 
Tolerance to the drug is established rapidly, 
so that the effect of the drug as experienced 
in its first taking is lost, and most users 
rapidly increase the daily dose in an effort to 
regain the original effect. When addiction 
is established and the daily dose is not 
taken, the so-called withdrawal or absti- 
nence symptoms develop. These symptoms 
vary in intensity, but in practically all cases 
are so intense as to preclude the likelihood, 
if not the possibility, of successful treatment 
without medical assistance. 

Addiction to cocaine in this country is 
chiefly confined to the underworld and 
criminal classes. It is used solely for pur- 
poses of dissipation. It does not bring about 
a situation comparable to that caused by 
opium and its derivatives, inasmuch as it 
may be relinquished without difficulty at 
any time. Problems, therefore, involved in 
its use are no different from those in the use 
of any other prohibited commodity, and 
their control involves the employment of 
the same social agencies, with the exception 
of the essential medical treatment, as in the 
case of opium. 

Legislative Regulation. State laws dealing 
not only with the smoking of opium but with 
the use of this drug or any of its derivatives, 
except for medical purposes when pre- 
scribed by a physician, have been passed 
from time to time until at present all states 
in the Union and the District of Columbia 
have such laws. They failed, however, to 



have any appreciable effect upon the extent 
of the illicit use of the drugs with which they 
dealt; and in 19 14, partly to control the in- 
terstate traffic and partly to fullfil the obli- 
gations of this country arising out of the 
Shanghai Opium Conference of 1909, the 
first federal law dealing with the importa- 
tion, manufacture, sale, and distribution of 
opium and coca leaves and their derivatives 
and preparations was passed by Congress, 
and went into effect on May 1, 191 5. This 
has been known as the Harrison Narcotic 
Act, and as amended and amplified by regu- 
lations is in operation today. Further fed- 
eral legislation, dealing particularly with 
importations and providing for a narcotic 
control board charged with the function of 
determining the amount of the crude drugs 
to be imported into this country for medical 
purposes, was passed in 1922. The preceding 
act was amended in 1924 to include a provi- 
sion forbidding the importation of opium 
for the manufacture of heroin. 

Just as the states found themselves un- 
able to cope with the problem without the 
assistance of the federal government to con- 
trol interstate traffic, so this country has 
found itself unable to cope with the illicit 
traffic except through international effort 
and cooperation. In 19 12 at the Hague 
Opium Conference, attended by represent- 
atives of 12 countries, a convention dealing 
with the control of production and traffic in 
opium and other dangerous drugs was 
entered into. At Versailles in 1919 and 1920 
this convention was confirmed by the League 
of Nations, and since then committees of 
the League have been constantly occupied 
with the problem presented by the control 
of production of the crude drug and manu- 
factured products. The problem presents so 
many difficulties inherent in the economic 
value of the crops concerned, in the indus- 
trial conditions under which they are pro- 
duced, and in the peculiar local characteris- 
tics of the countries and people producing 
them, that up to date effective control has 
been rendered impossible. 

State laws in this country vary markedly 



146 



Drug Addiction 



in their provisions and in their methods of 
enforcement, and as a whole are not effective. 
The federal law is slow of operation, owing 
to the crowded conditions of the courts; 
and the state laws, which might act more 
rapidly against violators, are in many in- 
stances not adapted to utilize the evidence 
secured by federal agents, or the states have 
not sufficient enforcing agents of their own. 
Generally speaking, both federal and state 
laws limit the importation, manufacture, 
sale, and distribution of opium and coca 
leaves and their derivatives and prepara- 
tions to certain licensed importers, manu- 
facturers, jobbers, and retailers. The re- 
tailers include physicians and pharmacists 
who deal directly with the patients for whom 
these drugs are prescribed or to whom they 
are dispensed or administered. Possession 
of these drugs, except upon a legally author- 
ized prescription, is a violation of most state 
laws and of the federal law. 

Institutional Treatment. A difficulty expe- 
rienced in the handling of indigent patients, 
or those who are not able to pay for private 
institutional treatment, is due to the almost 
total lack of public institutional provision 
for their treatment. For the most part the 
only places available are state hospitals or 
correctional institutions where the patient's 
mental condition or criminal activities 
render commitment proper. Such patients 
may be handled more or less effectively in 
these institutions, but the required proce- 
dure does not encourage voluntary com- 
mitment. In New York City, for example, 
an indigent person desiring treatment for 
opium addiction must pass through the 
police department, be finger-printed and 
photographed, and find himself, when he 
has been sentenced by the judge as an addict, 
confined with felons or petty misdemeanants 
in a correctional institution. Of quite a 
different character is the as yet small institu- 
tion operated by the Narcotic Educational 
Association of Michigan, Inc. — an organiza- 
tion supported by funds from private insti- 
tutions and subscriptions to the Detroit 



Community Fund. Its equipment consists 
of 320 acres about 65 miles from Detroit. 
During 1930 it will have capacity for 100 
patients. A follow-up system is to be de- 
veloped. 

In 1919 the City of New Orleans attacked 
the problem in a new way. It opened a 
narcotic clinic where patients were supplied 
with these drugs legally, pending opportunity 
for treatment. This example was followed 
later by about 42 other cities, including 
New York. These clinics represented an 
early and intelligent effort to solve some of 
the problems arising out of the prohibitory 
laws, and offered opportunities for studying 
their medical and social aspects. The 
clinics, however, were considered by the 
federal Narcotics Division as illegal and 
were closed, so that today there are no public 
clinics and few institutions, as has been 
stated above, where an individual addicted 
to opium can apply for advice and treatment 
necessitated by his condition. 

Two recent developments in the field of 
institutional care, however, require mention. 
These are the California Act of 1927 and 
the federal act of 1928. The former provides 
"for the confinement, cure, care, and re- 
habilitation of drug addicts" in an institu- 
tion. Individuals convicted of drug addic- 
tion in the state courts shall be committed to 
the institution for not less than eight months 
or more than two years, their discharge to 
be determined by the head of the institution. 
Voluntary commitments are provided for, 
and in such cases the patients must pay the 
cost of their treatment and may be dis- 
charged when cured. The Congressional 
act called for the establishment of two nar- 
cotic farms for the confinement and treat- 
ment of individuals addicted to the specified 
drugs, who have been convicted of offenses 
under federal law. Administrative and 
medical supervision are delegated to the 
Public Health Service. The act declares: 
"That the care, discipline, and treatment of 
persons admitted to or confined in a United 
States narcotic farm shall be designed to 
rehabilitate them, restore them to health, 



H7 



Education for Social Work 



and where necessary train them to be self- 
supporting and self-reliant." The act pro- 
vides for the industrial employment of the 
inmates of these farms in useful occupations. 
Provision is made for voluntary commit- 
ment, the treatment in such cases to remain 
confidential and not to be used against the 
persons committed in any court of justice. 
Their admission is made dependent on the 
accommodations of these farms, after the 
admission of all convicted addicts. Plans 
for the buildings are going forward, as are 
also plans for the medical handling of in- 
mates and their social rehabilitation. 

Research constitutes the most recent method 
used in dealing with this problem. The 
Committee on Drug Addiction was organized 
in 1 92 1 for the purpose of ascertaining such 
facts about the non-medical use of opium 
as might throw light upon existing condi- 
tions and suggest rational preventive and 
control measures. The two main lines re- 
quiring investigation were chronic opium 
intoxication as a social problem and as an 
individual problem. The Committee first 
collected a bibliography of about 7,000 
items, and prepared and published a report 
in 1928 known as The Opium Problem. Sub- 
sequent activities have been: (a) The sub- 
sidizing of laboratory research as to the effect 
of morphine under different conditions of 
dosage and withdrawal on animals; (b) 
clinical studies of human beings during 
addiction, withdrawal, and abstinence; and 
(c) medico-sociologic field studies dealing 
with the legal use of opium and coca leaves 
in certain American fields. The results of 
the research work on animals have been 
published from time to time in suitable 
scientific journals, and authors' reprints of 
all published articles are available to a lim- 
ited extent at the ofTice of the committee. The 
results of the clinical studies on human sub- 
jects, carried on at a large general hospital 
have been published in the Archives of Inter- 
nal Medicine. The results of the field studies 
dealing with the legal per capita use of these 
drugs under the provisions of federal law will 



be published during 1930 in pamphlet form 
by the Committee. In general it has been 
the Committee's conviction that more facts 
and less opinion were needed for an under- 
standing of the many and varied aspects of 
the problems involved in the use and misuse 
of narcotic drugs, and all of its eiforts have 
been directed to this end. On January 1, 
1929, a special committee under the Division 
of Medical Sciences of the National Re- 
search Council undertook research on mor- 
phine with reference to its chemical and 
pharmacologic properties. The study was 
designed to cover a period of three years. 
No reports were published during the year. 
In general it may be said that only within 
the past decade has any widespread interest 
been taken in the medical and social prob- 
lems arising out of the use and misuse of 
opium. Research on the pathologic, physio- 
logic, and psychologic phases of the problem 
has been slow in developing in this country. 
In consequence the older ideas that rele- 
gated the chronic use of opium unquali- 
fiedly to the group of vicious habits have 
persisted longer here than in Europe and 
have tinctured official remedial measures 
and discouraged private endeavor. It is 
believed that the more understanding con- 
ceptions resulting from increasingly fre- 
quent studies will lead to more sound meas- 
ures for prevention, cure, and control. 

Consult: Terry and Pellens: The Opium Prob- 
lem, 1928— Covers the history and development of 
the problems involved in opium addiction, the 
nature of opium addiction, its extent in the 
United States, its causes, pathology, treatment, 
and control (international, national, state, mu- 
nicipal) together with a bibliography of approxi- 
mately 400 items dealing with these various 
aspects of the problem. 

Charles E. Terry 

For national agencies in this field see National 
Agencies, Classified, on page 584. 

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK. With 
more than 25 years of experience in schools 
of social work, with 29 schools in a 10-year- 
old association, with a professional organiza- 



148 



Education for Social Work 



tion of 4,200 members and 43 chapters, with 
probably 25,000 professional social workers 
in the United States, and a possible need for 
3,000 new workers each year— education for 
social work is today facing problems of in- 
creasing magnitude and complexity. Its 
present methods are based on experience with 
apprenticeship, schools of social work, spe- 
cial schools and courses, institutes and 
study courses, and have been influenced by 
national agencies through their committees 
on education, by the American Association 
of Social Workers and its constituent chap- 
ters, and by the Association of Schools of 
Professional Social Work. 

As early as 1893, in her paper on "The 
Need of Training Schools for a New Pro- 
fession" at the International Congress of 
Charities in Chicago, Anna Dawes empha- 
sized the relation between successful social 
work by any agency and the preparation of 
its workers. Four years later Mary E. 
Richmond, in her paper "The Need of a 
Training School in Applied Philanthropy" 
(Proceedings, National Conference of Chari- 
ties and Corrections, i8gy), advocated a pro- 
fessional school for social workers, affiliated 
with a university but having freedom to em- 
phasize practical features of the subjects 
taught. By 191 5 there were five independ- 
ent schools in operation and two university 
schools. Important discussions at the Na- 
tional Conference of Charities and Correc- 
tions that year included a report by Porter 
R. Lee, "The Professional Basis of Social 
Work," a paper by Jeffrey R. Brackett, on 
"The Curriculum of the Professional School 
of Social Work," a paper by Abraham 
Flexner, entitled "Is Social Work a Pro- 
fession?" and one by Felix Frankfurter, 
entitled "Social Work and Professional 
Training." These papers are significant 
indications of the increasing attention al- 
ready given to the subject at that time. The 
World War brought a great expansion in 
social work, and a large new personnel was 
rapidly recruited, mainly through institutes 
organized by the American Red Cross in co- 
operation with universities and schools of 



social work. In several universities per- 
manent professional courses for social work 
were the outgrowth of these institutes. 

In 1919 the common interests of existing 
schools led to the formation of the organiza- 
tion now called the Association of Profes- 
sional Schools of Social Work, and in 1925 
these interests were again recognized in the 
formation of the Division on Professional 
Standards and Education of the National 
Conference of Social Work. 

Apprenticeship constituted the earliest 
method of education for social work. Ex- 
perience had resulted in technical processes 
which, although they changed continually, 
could be passed on to others and mastered by 
them. The Boston Associated Charities 
under Zilpha D. Smith began to require, for 
its new workers, a period of instruction and 
training given by the general secretary and 
an experienced visitor. This plan was later 
adopted in all the larger family welfare socie- 
ties prior to the establishment of schools of 
social work, and has continued in many as a 
six or nine months' period of apprenticeship, 
usually with the requirement that the worker 
remain a specified period with the society 
afterward. These prospective workers are 
referred to as apprentices, workers-in-train- 
ing or visitors-in-training in family wel- 
fare societies, as student social workers in 
child guidance clinics, as trainees by the 
American Red Cross, and as fellows-in-train- 
ing by the Young Women's Christian Asso- 
ciation. Salaries vary; apprentices are paid 
from $75 to $90 a month, and the American 
Red Cross offers six-month scholarships of 
$100 a month to its trainees. A carefully 
prepared plan of apprenticeship for a nine 
months' period takes the place of field work 
in the Smith College courses. 

Apprenticeship, as distinguished from un- 
directed and unplanned experience, marks 
the first stage in professional education. It 
continues in a comparatively small number 
of agencies today. The position taken in 
the recent Milford Conference report (Social 
Case Work, Generic and Specific, published 



149 



Education for Social Work 



by the American Association of Social 
Workers, 1929) is that since the schools do 
not supply enough persons for social case 
work positions, apprenticeship must be 
continued but that its standards should be 
high. The report further suggests that ap- 
prenticeship training in social case work has 
a contribution to make to professional edu- 
cation through the "development of high, 
stable, educational standards in planned and 
supervised experience." 

General Schools of Social Work. The first 
schools of social work were a direct out- 
growth of the demand of the profession and 
were organized by social workers. The first 
six-week professional summer school was 
conducted by the New York Charity Organi- 
zation Society in 1898, and admission was 
limited to workers with a year's experience. 
The course included work in the districts, 
field trips, lectures and discussions of case 
work for families, the care of dependent and 
delinquent children, public agencies, the 
dependent sick, the aged, fresh-air work, 
sanitary improvements, adult delinquents, 
and the functions of the charity organiza- 
tion movement in coordinating the work of 
social agencies. By 1904 these courses had 
developed into an all-year school, now the 
New York School of Social Work. In 1903 
Graham Taylor, of Chicago Commons, and 
Julia Lathrop, of Hull House, were instru- 
mental in organizing the Institute of Social 
Science as part of the Extension Division 
of the University of Chicago. This in 1907 
became the independent Chicago School of 
Civics and Philanthropy, and is now the 
Graduate School of Social Service Adminis- 
tration of the University of Chicago. The 
Boston School of Social Workers was or- 
ganized in 1904 under the auspices of Sim- 
mons College and Harvard University. The 
Missouri School of Social Economy, which 
had its origin in a series of discussions under 
the auspices of the Provident Association in 
1902 in St. Louis, affiliated in 1909 with the 
University of Missouri. The Philadelphia 
Training School for Social Work, begun and 



staffed by social workers in 1908, became in 
1916 the Pennsylvania School for Social 
Service. 

The curricula of these schools included 
lecture courses and class work, field trips, 
and field work in some social agency with 
supervised practice of case work, usually in 
the local family welfare society, the central 
part of the courses. Through grants from 
the Russell Sage Foundation the first four 
schools were enabled to maintain depart- 
ments of social investigation. These schools 
early aimed to be professional schools of 
graduate rank. The emphasis was not on 
social conditions but on social treatment. 
The New York and Boston Schools added a 
second year for specialization. 

Although Professor Frankfurter in the 
paper already referred to had held that a real 
professional school should be an integral 
part of a university, many social workers 
feared that graduate schools, in their efforts 
to conform to the usual academic require- 
ments for the granting of higher degrees, 
would fail to recognize the professional value 
of field work and technical courses. Later 
developments, however, have all been in 
schools connected integrally with univer- 
sities. Among these, the Carola Woerishoffer 
Graduate Department of Social Economy 
and Social Research, organized at Bryn 
Mawr College in 1915, was the first school 
limited to college graduates. Universities 
have included field work and technical 
courses, but where the department of social 
work wishes to credit these courses toward 
a higher degree there are difficulties which 
sometimes result in less field work. The use 
of degrees by schools of social work needs 
study. 

In 1920, at the request of the Association 
of Professional Schools of Social Work, the 
Russell Sage Foundation financed a study of 
education for social work made by Profes- 
sor James H. Tufts. Of special significance 
is the question raised by Professor Tufts 
in the summary of his book, Education and 
Training for Social Work. He asked : Shall 
the schools prepare for specified activities 
50 



Education for Social Work 



or shall they give "so broad and thorough 
an education and training for at least a 
minority of their pupils as shall fit them for 
the larger and profounder tasks which may 
be conceived under the analogy of social 
engineering or social statesmanship"? So 
far as the practices of the several schools are 
indicative of the opinions of their faculties, 
that question may be said to have received 
no generally accepted answer up to the 
present time. 

The schools which in 1929 were members 
of the Association of Professional Schools of 
Social Work are the following: 

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Curriculum 
in Social Work, Dr. Arthur E. Wood, Director. 

Atlanta: Atlanta School of Social Work, F. B. 
Washington, Director. 

Berkeley: University of California, Graduate 
Curriculum in Social Service, Dr. Charles B. 
Lipman, Dean. 

Boston: Simmons College, School of Social Work, 
Katherine Hardwick, Director. 

Bryn Mawr: Bryn Mawr College, Carola Woer- 
ishoffer Graduate Department of Social Econo- 
my and Social Research, Dr. Susan M. Kings- 
bury, Director. 

Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina, School 
of Public Welfare, Dr. Howard W. Odum, 
Director. 

Chicago: Loyola University, School of Sociology, 
Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, Dean. 

Chicago: University of Chicago, Graduate School 
of Social Service Administration, Dr. Edith 
Abbott, Dean. 

Cincinnati: University of Cincinnati, School of 
Social Work, Dr. Earle E. Eubank, Director. 

Cleveland: Western Reserve University, School 
of Applied Social Sciences, Dr. J. E. Cutler, 
Dean. 

Columbia: University of Missouri, Curriculum 
in Public Welfare, Eugene L. Morgan, Director. 

Columbus: Ohio State University, School of 
Social Administration, Dr. J. E. Hagerty, 
Director. 

Indianapolis: Indiana University, Training 
Course for Social Work, Dr. U. G. Weatherly, 
Director. 

Los Angeles: University of Southern California, 
School of Social Welfare, Dr. E. S. Bogardus, 
Director. 

Madison: University of Wisconsin, Course in 
Social Work, Dr. J. L. Gillin, Director. 



Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, Depart- 
ment of Sociology Training Course for Social 
and Civic Work, Dr. E. Stuart Chapin, Chair- 
man of Department. 

Montreal: McGill University, School for Social 
Workers, Dr. C. A. Dawson, Director. 

New Orleans: Tulane University, School of 
Social Work, Dr. G. P. Wyckoff, Director. 

New York: Fordham University, School of 
Sociology and Social Service, Rev. Matthew L. 
Fortier, Dean. 

New York: New York School of Social Work, 
Porter R. Lee, Director. 

New York: Training School for Jewish Social 
Work, M. J. Karpf, Director. 

Northampton: Smith College, School for Social 
Work, Dr. Everett Kimball, Director. 

Philadelphia: The Pennsylvania School of Social 
and Health Work, Kenneth L. M. Pray, 
Director. 

Pittsburgh: Carnegie Institute of Technology, 
Department of Social Work, Mrs. Mary Clarke 
Burnett, Head of Department. 

Portland: University of Oregon, Portland School 
of Social Work, Dr. Philip A. Parsons, Dean. 

Richmond: College of William and Mary, School 
of Social Work and Public Health, Dr. H. H. 
Hibbs, Jr., Dean. 

St. Louis: Washington University, George Warren 
Brown Department of Social Work, Frank J. 
Bruno, Director. 

Washington: National Catholic School of Social 
Service, Rev. Earl J. Alter, Director. 

In addition to the 29 schools which are 
members of the Association, some 10 uni- 
versities and two independent schools offer 
training for social work, and many other col- 
leges and universities give courses on social 
problems, often using much practical, con- 
crete material from the field of social work. 
A study by the author of this article, based 
on the catalog material of 24 schools in the 
Association {Proceedings, National Confer- 
ence of Social Work, IQ28) showed that al- 
though 13 of the 24 schools were graduate 
schools, all but 4 admitted some students 
without degrees. Prerequisites in the social 
sciences were named by 15 schools; a social 
science major was required by 8; while 7 
others listed previous courses in sociology, 
economics, and psychology as essential. 
One graduate school refused its certificate 
unless the prerequisites had been complied 



151 



Education for Social Work 



with. For the most part the pre-professional 
sequence of courses was suggested rather 
than required. The 24 schools offered 42 
different courses of study; 14 for one year; 
13 for two years; one a 14 months' course; 
and 3 leading to the degree of Doctor of 
Philosophy. 

Eighteen of the schools in their statements 
of the aims of education for social work 
recognize a common body of knowledge, 
philosophy, and methods. All the schools 
offered social case work, and all but one, 
field work in that line; 21 offered community 
organization, 9 with field work; 15 listed 
social statistics or social research, or both, 7 
with field work; 17 had courses in child 
welfare, 12 in medical social problems; 11 
in the administration of social agencies, 
10 in psychiatry, 8 in the general field of 
social work or the history of social work, 
and 3 in social work and social philosophy. 
These, it should be recalled, were the courses 
offered. Only a tabulation of the students' 
schedules would show the courses actually 
taken. The tendency was to postpone spe- 
cialization to the second year of the course. 

A tabulation was made from the catalogs 
of the present positions occupied by the 
members of 65 classes in 8 schools who had 
completed courses for certificates or degrees. 
This showed that of the 541 employed, 59 
per cent were in case work; 13 per cent in 
college or high school teaching; 2 per cent in 
teaching in schools of social work; 9 per cent 
in research; 6 per cent in group work; 5 per 
cent in community organizations; 5 per cent 
in industry or employment work; and 1 per 
cent in institutional work. Whether or not 
these social workers prepared themselves for 
the definite fields in which they were then 
employed is a question. In a study of the 
graduates of the New York School of Social 
Work, Walter Pettit found that 35 per cent 
were working in fields other than their 
specialties. (Proceedings, National Confer- 
ence oj Social Work, 1925, p. 681.) 



Training in Special Fields. In addition to 
the more or less conventional opportunities 



for professional education offered by the 
schools considered in the preceding section 
are the many facilities for training in special 
fields for which national agencies are respon- 
sible. These opportunities are described in 
the topical articles relating to the specified 
fields, and little more than a bare mention of 
the more important schools or courses will be 
included here. Conspicuous among these 
are the following: The National Recre- 
ation School of the National Recreation 
Association; two colleges, one graduate 
school, and eight summer courses conducted 
under the auspices of the Young Men's 
Christian Association; a winter school and 
five summer schools maintained by the 
Young Women's Christian Association; and 
a Boy Guidance Department of the School of 
Education at the University of Notre Dame, 
sponsored by the Knights of Columbus. 
Most of the scouting organizations in varying 
degrees have organized short training courses 
for volunteer leaders, and one at least has 
given courses for professional employes. 
Summer camps are usually used by these 
organizations and the Young Men's Chris- 
tian Association and the Young Women's 
Christian Association for their short courses. 
The number of colleges in which scouting 
organizations report courses in their fields 
runs into the hundreds. A more recent 
development is a whole year course offered 
for the first time in 1929 by Ohio State Uni- 
versity in Columbus in cooperation with the 
Association of Community Chests and Coun- 
cils for the training of community chest 
executives. In the case work field, the 
American Association of Hospital Social 
Workers has made an outstanding contribu- 
tion to the development of professional edu- 
cation through the work of its educational 
secretary. 

Institutes. This term is applied to a confus- 
ing variety of short term enterprises and 
short periods of education. The earliest 
institute was probably that organized by 
Mary E. Richmond in the family welfare 
field in 1910 under the Russell Sage Founda- 



152 



Education for Social Work 



tion, and carried on since 1925 by the Family 
Welfare Association of America. A month's 
intensive training is given to a small group of 
selected, experienced workers. See Family 
Welfare Societies. Institutes of quite a 
different character are those organized in 
recent years by several state conferences of 
social work. See Conferences of Social 
Work. These offer from three to six ses- 
sions of about two hours each and are usually 
designated as being no substitute for pro- 
fessional training. From an analysis of 49 
such courses, made for this article from state 
conference bulletins, it appears that the 
leaders have been outstanding persons from 
national agencies in 16 instances, from agen- 
cies in other states in 17 cases, and in 16 
from their own state. In the courses of 
these institutes, social case work appeared 18 
times, mental hygiene 7 times, and 13 other 
subjects covered 24 courses. A third type of 
institute is represented by the Institute for 
Social Work Executives held for the past 
three summers at Blue Ridge, N. C. This 
was organized to bring together executives in 
social agencies in the South, and representa- 
tives of national agencies and community 
chests, for the discussion of problems of 
common interest. The institute lasts for 
one week and is more truly a conference than 
a training course. 

Developments and Events, igig. Changes re- 
ported during the year by 20 of 29 schools in 
the Association of Schools for Professional 
Social Work were as follows: Increased en- 
rollment of full-time students occurred in 10 
of the 14 schools reporting on that point; 
under faculty changes 8 of the 16 schools re- 
porting had added full-time instructors, 
and 3 had added part-time instructors; 27 
new courses were reported by 14 schools. 
Three schools reported increased tuition 
fees and 6, additional scholarships or fellow- 
ships. Changes reported in field work were 
in the direction of the use of more agencies 
for the purpose, reported by 7 schools. More 
time of the school staff available for su- 
pervision was reported in 4 schools; an 



increase in the number of required hours in 
6 schools; and field work arrangements at a 
state hospital for the insane, in one school. 
Three schools reported additional extension 
courses and increased enrollment. Few 
schools except those with regular quarter 
sessions conducted summer courses. 

During the year the New York School 
took over the National Training School for 
Institution Executives; and Ohio State 
University offered the new course already 
mentioned for community chest executives. 
A special committee of the Association of 
Schools for Professional Social Work re- 
ported during the year on the question of 
financial aid to students. In December a 
special conference on training for social work 
in the South was held in Washington with 
attendance from 1 1 southern states. Six 
schools of social work, 10 other colleges or 
universities, 3 national agencies, and 2 foun- 
dations were represented. Increased endow- 
ments were reported by the Department of 
Social Work of Washington University at 
St. Louis and by the Graduate School of 
Social Service Administration of the Uni- 
versity of Chicago. The growing recog- 
nition that an agency has a stake in the 
professional development of its staff was 
emphasized during the year by the an- 
nouncement of the Cleveland Associated 
Charities that definite opportunities for 
study were to be provided. During the 
year a study was made under the auspices of 
the American Association of Social Workers 
relating to positions in the child welfare and 
vocational guidance fields. 

The developments of 1929 raise many 
questions for the future, such as the follow- 
ing: What are the implications of the Mil- 
ford Conference conclusions as to apprentice- 
ship? What use can be made of the material 
available in the Job Analysis Series? How 
may professional schools supply more gradu- 
ates, and what is the relationship between 
this need and the question of apprenticeship 
and financial aid to students? What in- 
fluence will the new membership require- 
ments of the American Association of Social 



153 



Education, State Agencies 



Workers have upon the recognized pre-pro- 
fessional sequence of the schools of social 
work? How are the universities which are 
proposing to organize schools of social work 
to be helped in their plans? What should be 
the relationship between specialized schools 
and the general schools of social work? 
Professional education will ever be a joint 
undertaking involving the agency, the pro- 
fession, and the school; but with more facts 
available in 1930 it may be possible to note 
even more progress than has been here re- 
corded for 1929. 

Consult: Abbott, Edith: Education for Social 
Work (reprint from the Report of the United 
States Commissioner of Education), 191 5; Steiner, 
Jesse F.: Education for Social Work, 1921; 
Tufts, James H.: Education and Training for 
Social Work, 1923; Walker, Sydnor H.: Social 
Work and the Training of Social Workers (contains 
a bibliography), 1928; Social Case Work, Generic 
and Specific (a report of the Milford Conference), 
Chapter XX (American Association of Social 
Workers), 1929; and Association of Schools of 
Professional Social Work: Memorandum to Mem- 
ber Schools from the Committee on Standards of 
Professional Education for Social Work (mimeo- 
graphed), 1929, and Report of the Committee on 
Fellowships and Other Financial Aid to Students 
(mimeographed), 1929. 

Irene Farnham Conrad 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. 

EDUCATION, STATE AGENCIES. Many 
functions closely related to social work are 
administered by state boards or departments 
of education or public instruction. Such 
agencies, together with similar ones in the 
fields of public welfare, labor, and health, 
represent the state in its responsibility for 
welfare activities. See Social Work Under 
State Governments. The important forms 
of social work carried on by state educational 
agencies are merely named in this article. 
They are described in topical articles, cover- 
ing the several fields in which state educa- 
tional agencies in varying degrees are active. 
See Group 2, Children, Group 3, The 



Handicapped, and Group 6, Health, of 
Topical Articles, Classified, on page 19. 

The functions related to social work which 
are most frequently exercised by state edu- 
cational agencies are naturally those most 
integrally connected with public school 
systems. Thus every state has accepted 
federal aid for vocational education under the 
Smith-Hughes Act and is carrying on work 
in that field, and all but six states 1 carry on 
civilian vocational rehabilitation with federal 
aid. In ten states 2 Americanization educa- 
tion is directed by state educational agencies; 
and in eight states 3 adult education other 
than Americanization (including work with 
illiterates) is similarly supervised. Ten 
states 4 supervise the enforcement of com- 
pulsory attendance and "child accounting" 
laws, and at least three of these states super- 
vise also the local issuance of child labor 
certificates. In the field of child guidance, 
California has a bureau of mental hygiene 
and one of child study and parental educa- 
tion. The latter bureau is conducting an 
experiment with study groups for adults as a 
part of the public school system. Ohio has a 
supervisor of parental education, and Wis- 
consin employs two clinical psychologists. 
The Massachusetts division of university 
extension cooperates with other organiza- 
tions in mental hygiene work. 

In 12 states 5 educational agencies direct 
the education of blind, deaf, crippled, and 
illiterate children and those with speech dis- 
orders through institutions or special classes; 
and in 19 states 6 they supervise physical 

1 Delaware, Kansas, Vermont, Washington, 
Missouri, and New Hampshire. 

2 Alabama, California, Connecticut, Delaware, 
Massachusetts, Nebraska, Oregon, Rhode Island, 
South Dakota, and Wyoming. 

3 Arkansas, California, Connecticut, Delaware, 
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Wyoming, and South Carolina. 

4 Alabama, California, Connecticut, Delaware, 
Indiana, Michigan, New Hampshire, New York, 
Ohio, and Pennsylvania. 

6 Alabama, Arkansas, California, Connecticut, 
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New York, 
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. 

6 Delaware, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michi- 
gan, Missouri, Ohio, West Virginia, Alabama, Cal- 



154 



Education, State Agencies 



education, or physical education together 
with health education. Colorado adminis- 
ters child welfare and mothers' aid laws, 
and New Hampshire administers child wel- 
fare laws. The states' administrative or 
supervisory powers in these different matters 
vary from establishing standards to exer- 
cising full responsibility for direct adminis- 
tration. 

Developments and Events, jg2g. Administra- 
tive developments of the year in state educa- 
tional departments, in the several specified 
fields, include the following: Ohio appointed 
an assistant supervisor of special classes 
whose particular function is to find cases of 
physically handicapped children who can 
be taught only at home and provide for 
their teaching; New York appointed a field 
supervisor for physically handicapped chil- 
dren who must be a college graduate 
with three years' experience; and Con- 
necticut established a division of field ser- 
vice which is to include work for the feeble- 
minded. Ohio began the employment of a 
director of "child accounting"; Rhode 
Island consolidated responsibility for Ameri- 
canization work and other evening classes 
in a division of adult education in the state 
department; New York assigned two super- 
visors to devote a major portion of their 
time to organizing classes for vocational 
education in metal and building trades; 
Virginia added to its department staff a 
state supervisor for guidance in trade and 
industrial education; Minnesota employed 
an agricultural specialist for work among 
disabled persons living on farms or having 
an agricultural background; Virginia trans- 
ferred rehabilitation work to the state de- 
partment of education from a separate 
bureau of rehabilitation; California was 
enabled through a gift of $20,000 to make a 
survey of mental hygiene, in which the edu- 
cational department cooperated; and the 
New Jersey department broadened its 

ifornia, Connecticut, Florida, Kentucky, Minne- 
sota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, 
Pennsylvania, Utah, and Virginia. 



division of health and physical education to 
cover supervision of medical and nursing 
service. 

Legislation, ig2g. The more important laws 
that were passed during the year increasing 
or otherwise changing the functions of state 
educational agencies in the specified matters 
are as follows: (a) Care of physically or 
mentally handicapped children— Wyoming 
(Chs. 135 and 160) placing education of 
deaf and blind in the State Department, Divi- 
sion of Special Education, with provision for a 
full-time field agent for adult deaf and blind, 
and (Ch. 95) requiring the state director of 
special education or superintendent of training 
school or a person approved by them to give 
a psychological examination to applicants 
for commitment to institutions for the feeble- 
minded; (b) Vocational guidance — New 
York (Ch. 407) requiring the State Depart- 
ment of Education to approve of all voca- 
tional and educational guidance service 
carried on in schools of the state and to 
establish the qualifications of the persons 
thus employed, also authorizing the appoint- 
ment of a state supervisor of guidance and 
placement, and creating a Bureau of Voca- 
tional Guidance in the State Department of 
Education; (c) Rehabilitation— Connecticut, 
Maryland, and Texas authorizing civilian 
vocational rehabilitation work with federal 
aid; (d) Mothers' aid— New Hampshire 
(Ch. 145) transferring the administration of 
mothers' aid from the state educational 
agency to the State Board of Public Welfare; 
(e) Visiting teaching— Pennsylvania (amend- 
ment of April 1 1 to Sec. 1432, School Code) 
authorizing the State Board of Education to 
set standards for the employment of home 
and school visitors when employed in place of 
attendance officers. 

Emery M. Foster 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 584. 



EMPLOYMENT. See Unemployment. 



155 



Employment Agencies 



EMPLOYMENT AGENCIES. Two ob- 
jectives have motivated the establishment 
of employment offices by governmental 
authorities and social agencies. Histori- 
cally, these are: (i) counter-action of the 
flagrant abuses practiced by commercial agen- 
cies since regulatory legislation had failed to 
correct them, and (2) elimination of that un- 
employment which is due to lackof organized 
information regarding the labor market. 

History and Present Status. Public employ- 
ment offices have been established by cities, 
states, and the federal government, both 
alone and in conjunction with one another. 
In some instances counties have participated 
in their support. Municipal employment 
offices originated in Los Angeles in 1893, 
the year of "the Cleveland panic, " and in the 
next 16 years spread irregularly to other 
cities on the Pacific coast and in the North- 
west. During the depressions of 1907, 
1913-1915, and 1920-1921 a number of 
cities established employment offices as 
part of their emergency relief program, but 
comparatively few of them survived. Close 
association with relief, scant appropriations, 
and politically appointed employes caused 
their failure. In 1929 only 17 municipalities 
were reported as maintaining such offices. 

State legislation for public employment 
offices dates back to 1869. In that year 
California and New York each voted an 
appropriation for the maintenance of an 
employment bureau. Ohio, however, was 
the first state to create a system of offices. 
This occurred in 1890. By 1910, 17 states 
had statutes providing for a public employ- 
ment service. Not all of them, however, 
had offices in operation. Considerable im- 
petus was given the state employment service 
movement by the unemployment which 
developed in certain centers as early as 191 1 
and which continued into 191 5. The move- 
ment was further accelerated by the need of 
machinery to recruit labor for wartime pro- 
duction and by the subsequent establish- 
ment of the United States Employment 
Service to meet that need. 



Following the sudden and drastic curtail- 
ment of the federal service in 1919, certain 
states, in order partially to fill the gap thus 
caused and to assist in the placement of the 
demobilized, expanded their own employ- 
ment offices. Since then, however, some of 
the state services have lost ground and others 
have ceased to function. At the end of 1929 
the state appropriations for public employ- 
ment offices were extremely meager, salaries 
much too low to attract the type of ability 
required, and quarters often far from suitable. 
Thirty-two states, however, had statutes for 
the creation of one or more state employ- 
ment offices. Of these, 25 reported that in 
142 different cities one or more permanent 
placement offices were in operation, supple- 
mented in two instances by seasonal offices. 
All were cooperating with the United States 
Employment Service and in some instances 
with local authorities also. On the whole the 
offices maintained by state governments, 
whatever their limitations, have been more 
satisfactory than those maintained exclu- 
sively by municipalities. They have also 
shown a more persistent growth. 

It was through the Bureau of Immigration 
that the federal government in 1914 and 
191 5 began the development of a nation-wide 
employment service. Its inability effec- 
tively to cope with the problem led in 1918 
to the creation of the United States Em- 
ployment Service. At once this Service be- 
gan an extensive development of employ- 
ment machinery. It subsidized state and 
city offices, thus enabling them to secure 
better quarters and additional personnel, 
and in states where there had been no offices 
it instituted them. In 1919, however, the 
entire field organization was discontinued, 
leaving only an administrative office in 
Washington. Since then the office has func- 
tioned chiefly as a coordinating agency for 
the state and city offices by collecting infor- 
mation on employment conditions and dis- 
tributing this in the form of a monthly 
bulletin, and by granting these offices the 
franking privilege, providing forms, and in 
some instances paying in whole or part the 



156 



Employment Agencies 



salaries of certain employes. In addition it 
has also maintained a Farm Labor Division 
and a Junior Division. 

In December, 1929, the United States 
Employment Service was cooperating not 
only with state and city offices but also with 
offices maintained by chambers of commerce, 
the American Legion, Young Women's 
Christian Associations, and other com- 
parable organizations. Through its Farm 
Labor Division the service was operating 
1 1 permanent field offices in nine different 
states, and during the "open season" ap- 
proximately 100 temporary offices. Also, 
through its Junior Division, it was cooperat- 
ing with educational authorities in 15 states 
in the maintenance of junior placement 
offices. For the year 1929, in addition to 
providing standard forms and the franking 
privilege, the Service paid a total of $80,000 
to cooperating state and local services, in- 
cluding the salaries of 209 employes assigned 
to them. For the calendar year of 1929 the 
United States Employment Service reported 
a total of 1,523,290 placements made through 
188 offices maintained by states, municipali- 
ties, chambers of commerce, and other organ- 
izations. 

Of the offices sponsored by voluntary 
effort, the California Labor Exchange estab- 
lished in 1868 was one of the earliest. By 
1900 all the important family welfare socie- 
ties in New York, Boston, Cleveland, and 
other large cities had made some provision 
for organized employment departments as an 
integral part of their case work. Most of 
these departments have since been discon- 
tinued or superseded by more specialized 
service for the handicapped. Experience 
has convincingly demonstrated the ineffec- 
tiveness of any general employment office 
operated by a relief agency. The function 
of a relief agency is inherently prejudicial 
to that of an employment office. The other 
social agencies which have organized em- 
ployment services have designed them for 
particular handicapped groups in need of 
specialized assistance in securing employ- 
ment. Some of these services, in operation 



before the outbreak of the World War, were 
absorbed by the United States Employment 
Service. Others developed during the prog- 
ress of the war or subsequent to the armis- 
tice. Free employment bureaus have also 
been maintained by various fraternal, re- 
ligious, and professional associations for the 
benefit of their members. 

Developments and Events, ig2g. During the 
year both New York and Illinois initiated 
measures for the improvement of their state 
employment services. On June 13, the 
Industrial Commissioner of New York 
appointed an Advisory Committee on Em- 
ployment Problems which on November 1 
began a study of the State Employment 
Service. In Illinois the Advisory Board of 
the Free Employment Offices also began a 
reorganization of its offices. Prior to these 
events a special junior placement bureau was 
established in connection with the New York 
State Service and a Department for the 
Handicapped in connection with the Chicago 
office of the Illinois Service. Philadelphia, 
Cincinnati, Dayton, and other cities which 
organized a community program to meet the 
severe unemployment which developed after 
the crash of the stock market included pro- 
vision for strengthening their public employ- 
ment offices. In addition, steps were taken 
for the reintroduction in Congress of the 
Wagner Bill providing for federal subsidy 
to the states for the development of a nation- 
wide system of public employment offices. 

During the year Delaware (Ch. 108) ap- 
propriated $2,500, conditional upon a like 
appropriation and expenditure by the city 
of Wilmington, for a state-city employment 
bureau. West Virginia amended and re- 
enacted its law (Ch. 12) but established no 
offices, and the city of Memphis established 
an employment office. A number of addi- 
tional states passed laws providing for the 
licensing, regulation, and investigation of 
private employment agencies. In every case 
the law tends to eliminate abuses by making 
it more difficult for unfair agencies to oper- 
ate. Laws were passed in: California (Ch. 



157 



Endorsement of Social Agencies 



89 and Ch. 215), Colorado (Ch. 145), Iowa 
(Ch. 49), Michigan (No. 321), Minnesota 
(Ch. 293), New York(Ch. 164), North Caro- 
lina (Ch. 178 and Ch. 345), Oregon (Ch. 297), 
Pennsylvania (No. 438), and Texas (Ch. 
104). New York (Ch. 407) authorized its 
school authorities to maintain a Guidance 
Bureau, and in connection with this to con- 
duct an employment service for pupils. See 
Vocational Guidance. Finally the status 
of effective state regulation was placed 
in jeopardy by the decision of the United 
States Supreme Court in Ribnick v. McBride 
(48 Sup. Ct. 545), which declared that states 
have no right to fix the amount of fees to 
be charged by private employment agencies. 
A slight ebb and flow occurred among 
social agencies in the establishment and cur- 
tailment of placement services. In several 
cities councils of social agencies were active 
in efforts to coordinate the work of private 
non-commercial agencies and the public 
offices. To this end the Welfare Council of 
New York City conducted two experiments — 
one in the clearance of unfilled demands for 
workers, and the other in the central report- 
ing of employment statistics. In these ex- 
periments 39 employment offices in Greater 
New York cooperated. 

Consult: Harrison, Shelby M., and associates: 
Public Employment Offices, Their Pur-pose, Struc- 
ture, and Methods, 1924; Conner, J. E.: "Free 
Public Employment Offices in the United States," 
in United States Department of Labor Bulletin 
No. 68, pp. 1-115, January, 1907; American 
Association of Public Employment Offices: 
Proceedings of Annual Meetings, 1913, 1914, 191 5, 
and 1916 (United States Bureau of Labor Statis- 
tics, Bulletin, Whole No. 192 and Whole No. 220); 
and International Association of Public Employ- 
ment Services: Proceedings Annual Meetings, 
1921-1925 and 1928, Ottawa Department of 
Labor, 192 1-1925, 1927, and 1928 (United States 
Bureau of Labor Statistics, Bulletin Nos. 31 1, 337, 
355, 400, 414, and 501). 

Mary La Dame 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 584. 



ENDORSEMENT OF SOCIAL AGEN- 
CIES. The term "endorsement" applies 
broadly to any process that seeks (a) to 
eliminate fraudulent solicitation of funds, 
and (b) to secure recognition of generally 
accepted minimum standards by individual 
agencies as a prerequisite for asking public 
support. When endorsement machinery is 
established, some elementary standards of 
the policies and practices of agencies in 
organization, accounting, promotion, and co- 
operation are usually formulated. Rarely, 
however, are standards set up as to the rela- 
tive usefulness of different forms of social 
work, or the relative efficiency of agencies 
within a given field. As a result there is 
great diversity of opinion and practice as to 
how contributors may best obtain informa- 
tion that progress is being made in social 
work as a whole, or with reference to indi- 
vidual agencies. 

History and Present Status. Givers took the 
initiative in attacking fraud. The chamber 
of commerce movement for "charities en- 
dorsement," beginning at Cleveland in 1900, 
had extended by 191 o to at least 15 large 
cities. Effective work in checking dis- 
honest solicitation was followed by some suc- 
cess in making "endorsement" advantageous 
to agencies seeking to raise funds. Efforts 
were made to set up minimum standards, 
eliminate and forestall undesirable institu- 
tions, and effect amalgamations of overlap- 
ping agencies. No study of results attained 
during the period has ever been made. The 
Endorsement Committee of San Francisco, 
in 1902, first brought social agencies them- 
selves into a partnership with givers. The 
more progressive endorsement committees 
have always been active in developing 
councils of social agencies, and have par- 
ticipated in the formulation of community 
programs leading to joint fund raising. In 
cities which maintain community chests, 
the earlier endorsement organizations have, 
in turn, been discontinued, or remained in- 
active or greatly modified. Information as 
to the exact situation is lacking. Officials 



158 



Epilepsy 



of community chests and other interested 
persons differ as to the usefulness of endorse- 
ment committees operating independently 
of chests. In Chicago, a non-chest city, an 
unusually effective endorsement service, 
begun in 191 1, is maintained by the Associa- 
tion of Commerce through its Subscriptions 
Investigating Committee. It issues an an- 
nual classified list of approved agencies. In 
New York City the Bureau of Advice and 
Information, organized by the Charity Or- 
ganization Society in 1905, supplies informa- 
tion on request to its own contributors, 
but without recommendation. The Boston 
Chamber of Commerce also maintains an 
information bureau. In each of these non- 
chest cities there are active councils of social 
agencies. 

Plans to extend private endorsement ser- 
vice to national agencies were first discussed 
in 1912. In 1918 the need for accurate in- 
formation concerning war charities brought 
into existence what is now the National In- 
formation Bureau, a cooperative organiza- 
tion of representatives of the contributing 
public and national agencies engaged in 
social, civic, or charitable work. The Na- 
tional Appeals Information Service renders 
a similar service for national Jewish organiza- 
tions. Some experiments have been tried 
with the oft-heard proposal that. endorse- 
ment, in at least its most limited form, should 
be made a government function. Massachu- 
setts, for instance, requires its Department of 
Public Welfare to investigate all petitions by 
private charitable organizations for charters 
of incorporation. Inspections are made by 
the department, and annual reporting is 
required of all agencies. Actual endorse- 
ment, however, is never given unless the fact 
that incorporation is approved be so re- 
garded. In Los Angeles all public appeals 
for funds must have the endorsement of the 
Department of Social Service. Experiences 
in this field need to be studied. 

During the past 1 5 years large contributors 
to social work in American cities have ex- 
tended their function as a group from one of 
auditing to include a larger and more direct 
II I 



share in control and management. Through 
the process of joint fund-raising two groups- 
givers and the representatives of social 
agencies— consciously or unconsciously have 
together entered the field of management. 
Although their attention has been centered 
very largely on the raising of funds, the im- 
plied responsibility of trusteeship for opera- 
tion is now being suggested and discussed 
pro and con. A comprehensive study of this 
partnership between givers and agencies is 
yet to be made. A preliminary inquiry 
might well be devoted to ascertaining how 
effectually the results sought by earlier en- 
dorsement methods are now obtained in a 
different way, namely, through the gradual 
assumption of "trusteeship" roles; to what 
extent endorsement committees have con- 
tinued to serve, and with what experience; 
what provision is made in cities that main- 
tain a chest, and have discontinued inde- 
pendent endorsement committees for the 
endorsement of agencies outside the chest; 
and in general what has been the influence of 
the two movements on each other in giving 
the public the assurance necessary to render 
effective the appeals that are made for ade- 
quate support of social work. 

Consult: Chicago Council of Social Agencies: 
The Financing of Social Agencies, 1924; and 
Norton, William J.: The Cooperative Movement 
in Social Work, 1927. 

David H. Holbrook 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 585. 

ENDOWMENTS IN SOCIAL WORK. See 
Foundations in Social Work. 

EPILEPSY. The disorder known as epi- 
lepsy is characterized by abrupt, recurring 
attacks of impairment or loss of conscious- 
ness, with physical reactions varying from 
the briefest petit mal seizure to a complete 
general convulsion. While a complete 
etiology has not yet been ascertained, it 
would seem that usually some definite oc- 



59 



Epilepsy 



currence precipitates seizures in a predis- 
posed person. There is difference of opinion 
as to the relative importance of heredity and 
environmental influences. A tendency to 
have convulsions may be inherent, or the 
result of altered brain structure, acted upon 
by products of disordered body or nerve 
cell chemistry, or perhaps consequent upon 
impairment of brain nutrition from faulty 
blood supply due to arterial spasm of certain 
cerebral vessels. Some contend that chronic 
spasm of arteries supplying blood to the 
brain induces the brain alterations. Such 
factor or factors, by excitation, inhibition, 
or other disturbance of brain function, may 
induce convulsions. 

It is impossible to obtain an exact census 
of epileptics, owing to uncertainty in diag- 
noses, non-recognition of seizures, and reti- 
cence of relatives because of the attitude of 
the public. A conservative estimate is that 
probably three per thousand of the general 
population are epileptic. According to the 
latest census of epileptics taken January i, 
1923, there were 23,760 persons suffering 
from this disease in institutions of different 
types; one-third of these were in institu- 
tions which admitted epileptics only. 

History and Present Status. The Ohio 
Hospital for Epileptics, the first sepa- 
rate institution in the United States, was 
opened in 1893. In 1929 nine states had 
special institutions, with a total of approxi- 
mately 9,000 patients. This represents an 
increase of 670 in number of beds during the 
year. 

The National Association for the Study 
of Epilepsy, organized in 1898, has held 
meetings throughout the country for the 
purpose of arousing interest in better provi- 
sion for the care of epileptics, whether in 
special institutions or otherwise, and in fur- 
ther research as to the causes and method of 
treatment of the disease. In 1927 this or- 
ganization became a section of the American 
Psychiatric Association. In 1928 the sec- 
tion's committee on standardization of 
statistics, in cooperation with the National 



Committee for Mental Hygiene and the 
Department of Mental Hygiene of New York 
State, prepared a uniform system for com- 
piling statistics from institutions for epilep- 
tics which has been in use for the past two 
years. 

Because convulsions are likely, epileptic 
children find it hard to obtain school ad- 
vantages. In many schools pupils having 
the milder forms of epilepsy, particularly 
children of good mentality, are continued in 
regular classes. Detroit arranges for the 
brighter ones to have home training. In 
Chicago and elsewhere some are entered in 
special classes with provision for treatment, 
returning to their regular classes when im- 
proved. The general attitude toward these 
otherwise normal children seems to be more 
sympathetic than formerly. The feeble- 
minded epileptic children, however, are 
usually excluded from schools. 

For older epileptics, earning capacity is 
gauged by the frequency of seizures rather 
than by ability. The difficulty of securing 
opportunities equal to those offered the 
average person often affects the epileptic so 
seriously that his reactions are in consider- 
able part the result of this experience rather 
than the effect of the disorder. Socially, also, 
the epileptic is seriously handicapped. He 
should be advised against marriage, not only 
because of the possibility of transmitting his 
defect to his offspring, but also because the 
extra responsibility to be assumed might 
cause various abnormal reactions and pre- 
vent satisfactory adjustments. In many 
cases of long duration there appear slowing 
up and alterations in the physical and mental 
state which suggest permanent brain changes. 
Those who for various reasons, such as this 
gradual impairment of mentality or the 
severity or frequency of seizures, cannot be 
cared for in the home or community, are the 
usual applicants for institutional care. The 
ideal of the special institution is to provide 
the same outlets which are obtainable in 
the average community, e. g., education, 
regular work of some sort, athletics, amuse- 
ments, and similar advantages, with a 



160 



Family Budgets 



minimum of restriction for patients of fair to 
good mentality. 

I n one instance the teaching staff of a state 
colony for epileptics cooperates with a 
neighboring state normal school under an 
arrangement which permits younger patients 
to receive elementary school instruction and 
normal school students to obtain practical 
experience in the teaching of special classes. 
All special institutions for the epileptic seek 
to maintain close relations with physicians 
and social workers, and several of the insti- 
tutions conduct clinics. 

More separate institutions to care for epi- 
leptics are needed. There is no particular 
objection to having insane or markedly feeble- 
minded epileptics placed in the institutions 
provided for patients with similar mental 
conditions, but the considerable number of 
epileptics who do not show mental impair- 
ment suffer greatly from the enforced con- 
tacts which are almost inevitable if they are 
placed in institutions for mental cases. 

Developments and Events, iQ2g. The state of 
Pennsylvania opened the Selinsgrove Colony 
for Epileptics during the year. This colony 
has accommodations for 120 patients. The 
Association for Research in Nervous and 
Mental Disease, meeting in New York City 
in December, 1929, gave an entire day to the 
discussion of research projects pertaining to 
the convulsive states. Among the investiga- 
tions reported as under way during the year 
were those regarding blood supply to, and 
organic changes in, the central nervous 
system; water balance; and dietary control, 
especially excess of fats and minimum of 
carbohydrates. 

Legislation, igig. The general assembly in 
Iowa enacted a eugenics law (House files No. 
243) which included epileptics in its provi- 
sions but made no appropriation for en- 
forcing it. Michigan (Public acts 281) pro- 
vided for the sterilization of epileptics, along 
with other mentally defective and criminal 
persons. Similar measures were proposed 
in several other legislatures but failed to 
pass. 



Consult: Muskens, L. J. J.: Epilepsy, 1928; 
Lennox and Cobb: Epilepsy (Includes a bibliog- 
raphy), 1928; Shanahan, Wm. T.: "Problem of 
Epilepsy in New York State," in Psychiatric 
Quarterly, April, 1927; Collier, James: "Lum- 
leian Lectures on Epilepsy," in London Lancet, 
March 24 and 31, and April 7, 1928; Turner, Wm. 
Aldren: "Observations on Epilepsy," in Journal 
of Neurology and Psychopathology, January, 1927; 
Rosett, Joshua: "Epileptic Seizure, Its Relation 
to Normal Thought and Normal Action," in 
Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, April, 1929; 
Wilson, S. A. K.: "Some Aspects of the Problem 
of the Epilepsies," in British Medical Journal, 
October 26, 1929; and Fay and Winkelman: 
"Widespread Pressure Atrophy of the Brain and 
Its Probable Relation to the Function of the 
Pacchionian Bodies and the Cerebrospinal Fluid 
Circulation," in American Journal of Psychiatry, 
January, 1930. 

William T. Shanahan 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 585. 

EUGENICS. See Epilepsy, Marriage 
Laws, Mental Deficiency, Mental 
Diseases, and Venereal Diseases. 



FAMILY BUDGETS, as the term is used 
by social agencies, are calculations of the 
minimum cost of maintaining a family of 
specified size under given circumstances in a 
manner which will keep its members healthy 
and in normal relationship to their communi- 
ties. All agencies which give well-planned 
material relief to families must calculate 
budgets in each case in order to determine 
the amount of relief needed. The making of 
budgets in other fields of social work is less 
imperative; but medical agencies use them 
in gauging the ability of clients to pay for 
care, while workers with neglected or de- 
linquent children frequently find them neces- 
sary as a basis for understanding the eco- 
nomic aspects of family life. 

Schedules in use for calculating family 
budgets have been developed by home 
economists employed by family welfare 
agencies, by visiting housekeepers' associa- 



161 



Family Budgets 



tions, and in universities through coopera- 
tion between departments of home economics 
or sociology and social workers. These 
budgets differ somewhat in the living stand- 
ards represented and in the extent to which 
they cover the items of necessary expendi- 
ture. 

In building a budget schedule the neces- 
sary amount and kinds of food, clothing, 
fuel, household articles, and the like are 
selected, and the cost calculated at current 
prices. The food lists used follow approved 
dietary standards, interpreted in terms of the 
food materials in most common use among 
the families for whom the budget is intended. 
Clothing lists are based on studies relating 
to the kinds of garments preferred locally, 
and their durability. Costs of fuel, house- 
hold articles, and miscellaneous items are 
estimated after. studying the habits of the 
families concerned. Budgets should be re- 
vised about twice a year, to allow for changes 
in prices and customs, and in what in any 
community is generally regarded as a mini- 
mum normal standard of living. Scientific 
research in nutrition has altered accepted 
conceptions of what constitutes an adequate 
dietary. Larger amounts of milk and fresh 
vegetables have been included in budgets 
during the past few years. Styles in women's 
clothing have so changed that many articles 
on a clothing list of 1920 are no longer on the 
market. Gas has replaced oil lamps in most 
urban communities, and is in turn being dis- 
placed by electric lights, even in the poorer 
homes. The extension of social case work 
into the personality field has made it neces- 
sary to take into consideration new items of 
cost which influence the social life of families. 
Organizations not equipped to develop their 
own budget guides usually obtain material 
from a community in which conditions are 
similar. By making a local study of prices 
and home conditions, such material can be 
satisfactorily adapted if the lists of commodi- 
ties on which the original estimates were 
based are available. 

The most carefully compiled standard 
budget furnishes only a rough guide to be 

I 



used in the study of the individual needs of 
each family. A family budget calculated 
on a basis of adequate living at minimum 
expense represents more than a "minimum 
of subsistence." It is common knowledge 
among family social case workers that there 
are self-sustaining families with incomes 
smaller than such a budget allows. Their 
manner of living was the subject of a study 
by Leila Houghteling (The Income and 
Standard of Living of Unskilled Laborers in 
Chicago, 1927, University of Chicago Press). 
Lists were furnished by 12 firms cf unskilled 
and semi-skilled laborers who had been on 
their payroll for at least the previous year. 
From these were selected those families 
having at least one dependent child. The 
income received by each of the 467 families 
thus studied was compared with a budget 
calculated on the basis of the schedule pre- 
pared by the Chicago Council of Social 
Agencies. In 44.9 per cent the income fell 
below the estimated budget. These families 
were therefore subsisting on a standard for 
food, shelter, and other necessaries lower 
than the one allowed by the budget. Dur- 
ing 1929 other studies were in progress in 
this field under the auspices of the Com- 
munity Chest of Portland, Ore., and the 
New York City Budget Committee. 

Consult: Joint Committee of the Charity Organ- 
ization Society of New York, The New York Asso- 
ciation for Improving the Condition of the Poor 
and the United Hebrew Charities: Good Nu- 
trition and Adequate Food Allowances, 1922, 
and Clothing Allowance for the Family, 1925; 
Cleveland Associated Charities: Suggestive Bud- 
get for Families of Small Income, 1928; Los 
Angeles Community Welfare Federation: Study 
of a Minimum Standard of Living for Dependent 
Families, 1927; Cincinnati League of Women 
Voters, Living Costs Committee: Spending the 
Family Income, 1928; Chicago Council of Social 
Agencies: The Chicago Standard Budget for 
Dependent Families, 1929 (revised edition); New 
England Home Economics Association: Report 
of t the Budget Council of Boston (Blanche Dimond, 
Community Health Association, Boston), 1929; 
Indianapolis Council of Social Agencies: A Guide 
to Family Budgeting, 1929. Mimeographed budget 



62 



Family Welfare Societies 



material is obtainable from the Family Welfare 
Association, Milwaukee; Hebrew Benevolent 
Society, Baltimore; Visiting Housekeepers Asso- 
ciation, Detroit; Department of Home Eco- 
nomics, University of Washington, Seattle; Asso- 
ciation for Improving the Condition of the Poor, 
and the Charity Organization Society of the City 
of New York. 

Florence Nesbitt 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 585. 

FAMILY CASE WORK. See Family Wel- 
fare Work. 

FAMILY COURTS. See Domestic Rela- 
tions Courts. 

FAMILY DESERTION. See Desertion 
and Non-support. 

FAMILY SOCIAL WORK. See Family 
Welfare Work. 



FAMILY WELFARE SOCIETIES con- 
stitute one of the largest groups in the field 
of social work. It is a group, however, 
whose ramifications are often not recognized 
by outsiders because of the many different 
names its local societies use. Some of these 
societies still bear such names as Charity 
Organization Society, Associated Charities, 
United Charities, Bureau of Charities, Provi- 
dent Association, or Social Service League; 
but a majority of them either include "fam- 
ily welfare" or "family service" in their 
titles, or describe their work in these terms. 
These societies constitute only one of the 
eight groups which together make up the 
field of family welfare work as described in 
this volume. See Family Welfare Work. 
In the other groups are family welfare agen- 
cies under public auspices, and family wel- 
fare societies of a sectarian character. The 
societies covered in this article are com- 
munity wide and non-sectarian. They are 
the direct heirs of the charity organization 
movement of the last third of the nineteenth 



century, although all agencies engaged in 
social case work have derived much of their 
philosophy and practice from the same 
source. 

Hisiory and Present Status. Of the societies 
listed in the directory of the Family Welfare 
Association of America, at least 15 were 
organized before 1879, and several have 
formally celebrated their fiftieth anniver- 
saries during the past few years. The dis- 
tinctive principles of the charity organiza- 
tion movement in the United States and 
Canada were derived from the London 
Charity Organization Society, created in 
1869. Its purpose, as Mrs. John M. Glenn 
has said, was to bring "order into a chaotic 
field of charitable relief"; and its method, 
as contrasted with the older, indiscriminate 
methods of almsgiving, was the organization 
of the charitable impulses and resources of 
the community on behalf of each family 
according to its needs, with an endeavor to 
develop the special capacities of each indi- 
vidual. These principles directly influenced 
the work of many societies in America during 
the next decade, as was evidenced by the 
formation of the Buffalo Charity Organiza- 
tion Society in 1877 and of other societies 
before 1879. Despite many vicissitudes in 
the development of the movement since 
then, it has in the main stood steadfastly for 
an old idea: the individualization of human 
needs and the strengthening of human capac- 
ities. St. Francis of Assisi and the Society of 
St. Vincent de Paul were among the early 
interpreters of this ideal; Octavia Hill, 
Thomas Chalmers, Sir Charles Loch, and 
others translated it into practice in England; 
while among its notable exponents in America 
have been such pioneers as Zilpha Smith, 
Alice Higgins Lothrop, Josephine Shaw 
Lowell, Mary E. Richmond, and others 
whose influence has lived after them. Miss 
Richmond's Social Diagnosis, published in 
191 7, after years of careful research, marked 
an epoch in the movement and is still a basic 
textbook in this as well as other fields of 
social case work. 



163 



Family Welfare Societies 



Even in the early days of the movement 
there was a realization that in the family as 
a whole lay many of the problems as well as 
most of the possibilities of individual ad- 
justment to normal life. Family social work 
gradually developed as a particular emphasis 
within the charity organization movement, 
and the attention thus centered upon the 
family as a social unit has increasingly found 
expression in the titles such societies have 
chosen. In the meantime the work of the 
family welfare society, in common with 
other forms of social case work, has been en- 
riched by contributions from psychology, 
psychiatry, sociology, medicine, and other 
fields. See Social Case Work. Family 
social work in return has been a rich source 
of material for the social sciences; it has 
contributed to the development of social 
case work in the fields of child welfare, pro- 
bation, visiting teacher work, mental hy- 
giene, and medical social work, and has in 
turn profited by their experiences. 

The functions developed in the early days 
included many activities in the organization 
of community forces. Since the charity 
organization society brought together agen- 
cies and individuals interested in the treat- 
ment of distress, community organization 
might have become a major function. How- 
ever, a turning point in the movement was 
marked in 1919 by the report of a committee 
on future scope and policy (appointed by what 
was then the American Association for 
Organizing Charity), which expressed the 
conviction that the family rather than the 
community "should be regarded as the 
peculiar unit of charity organization," and 
suggested that the words "family social 
work" be incorporated in the titles of local 
agencies. 

In line with the trend which that report 
evidenced, community organization func- 
tions have been gradually released or shared 
with other agencies through councils of 
social agencies or community chests, but 
the family welfare society has continued to 
carry on many other community activities. 
See Community Chests and Councils. 



For example, it has frequently assumed 
leadership in movements for housing re- 
form, juvenile courts, marriage laws, or 
other forms of social legislation. Observing 
the conflict and lost motion between agencies 
in the care of individual families, it has been 
widely instrumental in organizing social 
service exchanges through which social 
agencies may coordinate their services to 
clients. See Social Service Exchanges. 
Developed at first in most instances within 
the family welfare societies, the majority of 
these exchanges have since become indepen- 
dent agencies or have been transferred to 
councils of social agencies or community 
chests. This "incubating process," for ac- 
tivities which require demonstration before 
receiving independent support, has some- 
times also been followed in the develop- 
ment of children's departments, legal aid 
bureaus, and less frequently in anti-tubercu- 
losis and public health activities which have 
later been launched as separate organiza- 
tions. For similar demonstration purposes 
many family welfare societies have carried 
on investigation and follow-up work for 
public and private relief agencies, juvenile 
courts, hospitals, children's homes, and other 
agencies. With the development of special 
case work facilities in these agencies, how- 
ever, the family society has gradually aban- 
doned this practice in most large communi- 
ties. 

Another important contribution of the 
movement to the general field of social case 
work was the organization and development 
of the so-called transportation agreement. 
That agreement was administered first under 
a "field department" to be presently de- 
scribed, and later through the Charity Or- 
ganization Department of the Russell Sage 
Foundation. After 1 921, when its administra- 
tion passed into the hands of an independent 
body, the Committee on Transportation of 
Allied National Agencies, the executive 
functions were carried by a staff member 
of the American Association for Organizing 
Family Social Work until 1927. See Trans- 
portation of Clients. 



164 



Family Welfare Societies 



In the early years the National Conference 
of Charities and Correction served as the 
only regular medium of exchange of ideas and 
inspiration for workers in the family welfare 
field. Its service was supplemented by occa- 
sional personal conferences, wide consulta- 
tion by local executives through correspond- 
ence with a few leaders, and by the publica- 
tions of some of the larger agencies. In 
1897 there were definite expressions of desire 
for a national association of charity organi- 
zation societies. Partly as a result of that 
demand an exchange of leaflets, reports, 
office forms, and financial appeal letters was 
organized in 1905 among a group of 14 
societies. This was brought about by Mary 
E. Richmond, then secretary of the Society 
for Organizing Charity at Philadelphia, and 
the exchange was conducted by the Charities 
Publication Committee, publishers of Chari- 
ties and the Commons, as part of its new 
Field Department, organized for the printing 
and distribution of charity organization 
literature to be used in an extension move- 
ment. The periodical mentioned, now the 
Survey, was then sponsored by the New York 
Charity Organization Society. Miss Rich- 
mond became editor of the new Department, 
and two years later Francis H. McLean, 
who had been assisting in the earlier work, 
became full-time secretary, a grant having 
been obtained from the Russell Sage Foun- 
dation for the enlarged program. In 1909, 
when Miss Richmond became director of the 
Charity Organization Department of the 
Russell Sage Foundation, that Department 
assumed the functions of the previous Field 
Department, Mr. McLean continuing as 
field secretary. Through these channels an 
increasing degree of cohesion developed, re- 
sulting in 191 1 in the creation of the National 
Association of Societies for Organizing Char- 
ity, of which Mr. McLean became the first 
secretary. Continuing the functions which 
he exercised for four years, and with a natural 
genius for the blending of ideas to meet local 
situations, he succeeded in giving great 
impetus to the growth of the movement, 
and assistance in the field work was soon 



necessary. Since 1920, when a separate 
Executive Department was created with 
David H. Holbrook as director, Mr. McLean 
has devoted himself primarily to direction of 
the field work. This departmental separa- 
tion continued until 1924, when Mr. Hol- 
brook was made Executive Secretary of the 
Association, from which position he resigned 
in 1925. (For the present departments of 
the national association see its listing in 
Part 1 1 of this volume.) 

By 1918 the need for further orientation 
led to the appointment, already referred to, 
of a committee on future scope and policy, 
and its far-reaching recommendations were 
adopted a year later. Among these was a 
change in the organization's name to the 
American Association for Organizing Family 
Social Work, as evidence of the emerging 
recognition that the welfare of the family was 
the central purpose of its member societies. 

Since 191 1 the number of societies and 
the volume of work have grown greatly. Of 
the 347 agencies now listed in the directory 
of the national association, about one-half 
have been organized since that year. The 
234 member agencies had under care in 
1929 the impressive number of 380,000 
families, representing approximately 1,700,- 
000 persons. Along with the development of 
standards, and a growing insistence upon the 
value of social case work as the essential 
service, has gone a greater emphasis upon 
adequacy of relief where it is needed. Partly 
because of this, and partly as a result of 
community factors which cannot be dis- 
cussed here, relief expenditures increased 
over 200 per cent in the decade following 
1916. See "The Relief Problem in Family 
Social Work," in The Family, March, 1929. 

In spite of this financial pressure and the 
accompanying volume of work, family wel- 
fare societies have become increasingly 
interested in those constructive forces in 
family life upon which the development of 
the individual so largely depends. This con- 
cept led to the choice of "Family Life in 
America Today" as the subject (suggested 
by Miss Richmond) for the Fiftieth Anni- 



165 



Family Welfare Societies 



versary of the Charity Organization Move- 
ment in America, celebrated by an inter- 
national conference at Buffalo in 1927. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
Early in the history of the charity organiza- 
tion movement there came a realization that 
the "charity visitor" must possess special 
qualifications for an exacting task; and that 
"the art of helping people out of trouble" 
called not only for zeal and a warm heart, 
but for the best existing knowledge and prac- 
tice in assisting people toward adjustments 
involving both their personalities and their 
social relationships. Training classes and 
study groups, in which volunteer workers 
frequently participated, were organized in 
several societies. Suggestions for a training 
school were made in 1893, and Miss Rich- 
mond's effective plea in 1897 for professional 
training facilities was soon followed by the 
establishment of v/hat is now the New York 
School of Social Work, under the auspices of 
the New York Charity Organization Society. 
Since then many other schools have been 
established, some independently and many 
under the auspices of colleges and universi- 
ties. Because of its fundamental approach 
to social case work problems, and the fact 
that it is usually the largest social agency in 
each community, the family welfare society 
frequently serves as a field work training 
center for these schools. The same factors 
have also caused the staff of the family 
society to be drawn upon widely in the re- 
cruiting and training of personnel for other 
case work agencies. 

Professional school preparation is now 
given preference by a majority of family 
welfare societies; but the comparatively low 
salaries available for beginners and the 
inadequate number of available graduates 
force most agencies to fall back upon the 
apprentice method of training. This in turn 
serves to discourage attendance at the 
schools, since many young people prefer ap- 
prentice training, with even a low salary, 
to the more expensive if more thorough 
school preparation. Some family welfare 



executives also still feel that two years of 
carefully supervised experience gives a more 
practical preparation for the job than the 
same period spent in a good school of social 
work. The truth is that neither apprentice 
nor school preparation alone results in quali- 
fications adequate to the exacting demands 
of social case work with families under 
modern conditions. Many teachers of social 
case work agree that school preparation 
alone does not result in a "trained worker" 
in a practical sense; while, on the other hand, 
a person trained only through practical 
experience generally lacks a part of the back- 
ground which is increasingly necessary for 
professional advancement. A proper bal- 
ance may be struck when one or two years of 
"interneship" or supervised experience is re- 
quired after preparation in a graduate school, 
and when this combination is given the pref- 
erence in salary and status over three or 
four years of practical experience alone. 

Professional preparation is of course only 
one of the qualifications of the family welfare 
worker. Equally important are personality, 
general cultural background, maturity, and 
good health. Family welfare societies are 
placing increased emphasis upon those 
qualities of personality which enable a case 
worker to win the sympathy and full par- 
ticipation of the client. A similar emphasis 
is placed upon general educational back- 
ground. Of the 312 family welfare workers 
responding to a recent questionnaire, more 
than two-thirds were college graduates. 
Although there has been some concern over 
the youth or immaturity of many new 
workers, this may gradually be corrected 
through increasing emphasis upon longer 
preparation. And finally, pressure of work 
and the demands upon spiritual and nervous 
energy make reasonably good health even 
more essential than in many other profes- 
sions. 

During this period of increasing emphasis 
upon professional training, the status of the 
volunteer or unpaid worker has varied. In 
the early days the "friendly visitor" was 
frequently the principal channel of contact 



166 



Family Welfare Societies 



with families, and many of the outstanding 
early leaders of the movement were laymen. 
But as the work has increased in volume and 
changed in character, many agencies have 
made decreasing use of volunteers in dealing 
directly with families, while the best in- 
formed laymen have frequently felt that case 
work demands a background of knowledge 
and experience which they do not possess, 
and have contented themselves with service 
through boards and committees and partici- 
pation in community activities. Such a con- 
clusion overlooks the fact that there are 
many degrees and types of case work skill 
required in different family situations, and 
that an intelligent and sympathetic volun- 
teer may frequently be able to perform cer- 
tain services as well as the case worker or 
even better. Many family societies are 
therefore giving renewed attention to volun- 
teer service, assigning special staff members 
to work with laymen, or conducting classes 
or discussion groups, all with a view to- 
ward the spreading of the knowledge and 
philosophy of case work in the community. 
The best social case worker is the one who 
knows how to make discriminating use of 
the abilities of laymen, whether for service 
on boards or committees, in district or case 
conferences, in community activities, or in 
case work itself. 

Developments and Events, igig. If one were 
to judge solely by the reports made to the 
Year Book from workers in this field, family 
welfare societies were most concerned during 
the year with the following problems: a 
better division of work with other agencies; 
the development of family social work under 
public auspices; renewed attention to the 
use of volunteers; better professional train- 
ing methods and facilities; a great variety 
of special local studies; and more effective 
public interpretation. There was a marked 
effort toward clearer division of functions, 
with a tendency in some communities to- 
ward an acceptance by other case work 
agencies of relief responsibility as a part of 
their treatment programs, instead of assum- 



ing that all relief must come from the family 
agency. Several societies reported the de- 
velopment or reorganization of public wel- 
fare departments on a case work basis, this 
being due in varying degrees to the influence 
of the private societies. An interesting ex- 
periment made in one city, in order to facili- 
tate a better understanding, was the center- 
ing of all relations with courts in the hands 
of one staff member. During the year many 
cities organized special classes or study 
groups for volunteers, one being for colored 
volunteers. There was increased use of a 
central bureau or clearing house for volun- 
teers, through which laymen might find op- 
portunities for service in the type of work 
for which they were best fitted. One society 
endeavored to develop a special advisory 
service from psychiatrists, physicians, in- 
surance experts, clergymen, and other pro- 
fessional groups. 

Reports direct to the national association 
and to the Department of Statistics of the 
Russell Sage Foundation indicated a con- 
tinuance during the year of the increase in 
relief expenditures and case-loads of family 
welfare societies. In some instances this 
increase was so great as to force a radical 
limitation of intake of new cases, or even an 
elimination of cases already under care, 
with consequent suffering, misunderstanding, 
and dissatisfaction in the community. Al- 
though unemployment, largely technological, 
has been great for the past several years, it 
was aggravated by the industrial depression 
which began in the latter part of 1929. In 
June, to assist local societies in planning for 
unemployment emergencies, the national 
association issued a report of its Committee 
on Industrial Problems, entitled The Time 
to Plan is Now. Several editions of this re- 
port were required to meet the large demand. 
During the year also the Personnel Problems 
Committee of the Association issued a re- 
port showing a very large local staff turnover 
in the family welfare field, and raising many 
questions of significance to local agencies. 

The year in the history of the national 
organization was significant in the decision 



167 



Family Welfare Work 



of its members to adopt a new name, Family 
Welfare Association of America. For the 
future development of the family welfare 
movement probably the most important 
event of the year was the issuance of a pre- 
liminary report by the national association's 
committee on future program. That com- 
mittee had been appointed in 1927 as a re- 
sult of the continued increase in volume of 
the work and expenditures of local societies, 
the need of orientation in the whole field, 
and the pressure of demands on the national 
office. Among the tentative recommenda- 
tions of the committee's report, to be re- 
vised and published in 1930, perhaps the 
most important were those relating to relief 
and the functions of family welfare agencies. 
It was suggested that the major responsi- 
bility for relief expenditures must be recog- 
nized as resting upon public tax funds on 
condition that adequate governmental agen- 
cies be developed for the administration of 
necessary types of relief, and the family 
welfare societies should gradually limit their 
relief responsibility to that which is inci- 
dental to their treatment of family problems. 

Consult: Watson, F. D.: Charity Organisation 
Movement in the United States, 1922; McLean, 
F. H.: The Family Society, 1927; Milford Con- 
ference: Social Case Work, Generic and Specific 
(American Association of Social Workers), 1929; 
Richmond, Mary E.: Social Diagnosis, 1917; 
Colcord, J. C: Broken Homes, 1919; Marcus, 
Grace F. : Some Aspects of Relief in Family Case 
Work (New York Charity Organization Society), 
1929; Family Welfare Association of America: 
The Time to Plan is Now, 1929; and files of The 
Family and News Letter, published by the Family 
Welfare Association of America. 

Linton B. Swift 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 585. 



FAMILY WELFARE WORK. The term 
"family welfare work" is used in this volume 
to describe one of the fields of social case work 
— the one in which families are taken under 



care because of a need which applies to the 
family as a whole rather than to any one of 
its members. Like the inclusive field of social 
case work itself, family welfare work covers 
not only agencies in this particular line which 
use the processes of social case work, but all 
agencies to which those processes are poten- 
tially applicable. (See Social Case Work.) 
The included groups are described in articles 
on Family Welfare Societies, Mothers' 
Aid, Public Agencies for Needy Families, 
Relief Societies, Protestant Social 
Work, Catholic Social Work, Jewish So- 
cial Work, and Mormon Social Work. 
For the four last-named articles family wel- 
fare work is but one of the forms of social 
activities included. The processes of social 
case work, when thus used in the family wel- 
fare field, are usually called "family case 
work." Family case work and community 
activities directed toward the welfare of 
families are two essential aspects of the 
function commonly referred to as "family 
social work." 

FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, CHILD 
WELFARE ACTIVITIES. See Child 
Welfare Activities of the Federal 
Government. 

FEDERATIONS OF SOCIAL AGENCIES. 
See Community Chests and Councils. 

FEEBLE-MINDEDNESS. See Mental 
Deficiency. 

FINANCIAL FEDERATIONS. See Com- 
munity Chests and Councils. 

FOREIGN-BORN and FOREIGN LAN- 
GUAGE PRESS. See Immigrants and 
Foreign Communities. 

FOSTER HOMES. See Dependent and 
Neglected Children and Delinquent 
Children, Foster Home Care. 

FOUNDATIONS IN SOCIAL WORK. The 

endowment or permanent setting aside of 
funds for worthy public purposes can be 



168 



Foundations in Social Work 



traced back many centuries, but the most 
significant developments in this field have 
occurred since about 1900. While the term 
"foundation" in a few cases was applied 
to these earlier funds, it has come into more 
common usage since the beginning of the 
twentieth century. Coincident with the 
greater use of the term has also come the 
introduction of two features which have 
tended to give the designation special mean- 
ing and which have undoubtedly played 
major roles in winning for foundations an 
important place among American organiza- 
tions for human betterment. One of these 
was the broadening of the chartered pur- 
poses so that, instead of being tied up indefi- 
nitely to services which the community or 
nation may have outgrown, as in the classic 
instance of the fund established to help 
victims of the Barbary pirates, foundations 
could change their activities to meet chang- 
ing needs, the new boundaries to work being 
flung as far and wide as "the improvement of 
social and living conditions," "promoting 
the advancement and diffusion of knowledge 
and understanding," or "promoting the well- 
being of mankind throughout the world." 
The second feature has been the very great 
increase in the size of funds established for 
these purposes, the combined endowment of 
the ten largest foundations, all of them estab- 
lished since 1900, aggregating over $600,000,- 
000, and their total grants from income alone 
running well up toward three hundred millions. 

History and Present Status. In the sense 
in which the term is now commonly used 
probably the first foundation to be estab- 
lished in this country in the broad field of 
social improvement was the Peabody Fund, 
set up in 1867 with a principal sum of over 
$2,000,000 and discontinued in 19 14, al- 
though the Smithsonian Institution — estab- 
lished "for the increase and diffusion of 
knowledge among men," with a capital fund 
of something over $500,000, and antedating 
the Peabody Fund by some twenty years — 
might lay some claim to first place. Then 
came the John F. Slater Fund in the year 



1882; the Baron de Hirsch Fund in 1890; 
the Thomas Thompson Trust in 1901; the 
Carnegie Institution of Washington in 1902; 
the General Education Board in 1903; the 
Milbank Memorial Fund in 1905; the 
Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement 
of Teaching in 1906; the Russell Sage Foun- 
dation in 1907; the Anna T. Jeanes Founda- 
tion and the Elizabeth McCormick Memorial 
Fund in 1908; the Carnegie Corporation 
and the Phelps-Stokes Fund in 191 1 ; and in 
later years a host of others, including the 
very large endowments represented by 
the Rockefeller Foundation and the Laura 
Spelman Rockefeller Memorial, the latter now 
consolidated with the other Rockefeller bene- 
factions. In a new list of American founda- 
tions just compiled (1930) for the Russell Sage 
Foundation Library by Bertha F. Hulseman, 
the total is seen to have reached over 150. 
Similar lists compiled for that Library showed 
23 in 191 5 and 33 in 1922; but the numbers 
more than doubled in the next two years, 
reaching 77 in 1924, and in two more years 
almost quadrupled, running to 121 in 1926. 
The Community trust, which like the 
endowed foundations receives bequests of 
funds, and aims through charter stipulations 
and its form and methods of organization to 
keep its program flexible and adaptable to 
changing community conditions, has also 
come into existence and has had its largest 
development during the last two decades. 
Beginning with the Cleveland Foundation, 
organized in 1914 by the late Frederick H. 
Goff, these trusts or local foundations had 
reached a total of 50 by 1924 and approxi- 
mately 60 by 1929. The usual plan is for 
their funds to be held by trust companies 
and the disbursement of income to be di- 
rected by a committee, a minority of whose 
members are appointed by the trust com- 
pany, the others being selected by local public 
officials. Some of these trusts are as yet 
without funds, but over half of the total had 
received bequests and contributions by 1929, 
the total of which ran upward of $32,000,- 
000. One of the largest is the New York 
Community Trust, with $8,500,000. They 



169 



Foundations in Social Work 



are as widely placed as Boston and Los 
Angeles, Spokane and Atlanta, and are al- 
most entirely local in scope. 

While the total number of foundations, 
plus funds and community trusts having 
kindred characteristics, is seen to run well 
over 200, those which are related more or 
less directly to the broad field of national 
social work, or which conduct or support 
local research likely to be of national signifi- 
cance, appear to be about 65, or nearly one- 
third of the total. These may be roughly 
divided into five groups: 

Foundations of generally broad scope which 

carry on or support research, experimentation, 

or other activities in several fields: 

Brookings Institution 

Carnegie Corporation of New York 

Carnegie Institution of Washington 

Commonwealth Fund 

Daniel and Florence Guggenheim Foundation 

General Education Board 

Golden Rule Foundation 

Harmon Foundation 

John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation 

Julius Rosenwald Fund 

Nathan Hofheimer Foundation 

Phelps-Stokes Fund 

Rockefeller Foundation 

Russell Sage Foundation 

Spelman Fund of New York 

Foundations working primarily in the health 
field, physical or mental, including public 
health and medical research: 

Alice McDermott Memorial Fund 

American Association of Obstetricians, Gynecol- 
ogists, and Abdominal Surgeons Foundation 

American Foundation for Mental Hygiene 

Brush Foundation 

Colorado Foundation for Research in Tuber- 
culosis 

Edward L. Trudeau Foundation for Research 
and Teaching in Tuberculosis 

Emil and Fannie Wedeles Fund for the Study 
and Investigation of Diseases of Heart and 
Circulation 

Foundation for Positive Health 

International Dental Health Foundation for 
Children 

James H. Hyslop Foundation 

John S. Oliver Memorial Research Foundation 

Josiah Macy, Jr., Foundation 

Leopold Schepp Foundation 

Lifwynn Foundation 

Lucius N. Littauer Foundation 

Milbank Memorial Fund 

Murry and Leonie Guggenheim Foundation 

Pediatric Research Foundation of the Children's 
Hospital of Cincinnati 



Sturgis Fund of the Winifred Masterson Burke 

Relief Foundation 
Thomas Thompson Trust 

Primarily for child welfare or the education of 
children {not including foundations primarily 
for medical research in relation to children): 

Behavior Research Fund 

Child Education Foundation 

Children's Foundation 

Children's Fund of Michigan 

Duke Endowment, Orphan Section 

Elizabeth McCormick Memorial Fund 

Judge Baker Foundation 

For other special, specified purposes, including 

in some cases both promotion and research: 

American Foundation for the Blind 

American Fund for Public Service 

Baron de Hirsch Fund 

Bureau of Social Hygiene 

Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of 

Teaching 
E. O. Robinson Mountain Fund 
Economic Foundation 
Genetic Foundation 
Human Betterment Foundation 
J. C. Penney Foundation 
John F. Slater Fund 

Matilda Ziegler Foundation for the Blind 
Negro Rural School Fund, Anna T. Jeanes 

Foundation 
Payne Fund 

Planning Foundation of America 
Pollak Foundation for Economic Research 
Scripps Foundation 
Twentieth Century Fund 
University Film Foundation 

Foundations conducting local research, not 
specialised, which is of more than local signifi- 
cance: 

Buffalo Foundation 
Cleveland Foundation 
Trounstine Foundation 
Wieboldt Foundation 

Because many foundations carry on varied 
types of work, the division titles used in such 
a classification can be only approximately 
correct in describing the fields covered. 
Nevertheless, the list will give some indica- 
tion of the lines of interest represented. 

While these foundations and trusts have 
much in common, there is considerable di- 
versity as to the geographical area in which 
they operate, in their methods of work and, 
as has been seen, in the fields chosen for 
special cultivation. Some, for example, 
limit their work to the city in which they are 



170 



Fraternal Orders 



situated; others to the state or nation, while 
the scope of a few is world-wide. Some are 
empowered to use only the income from their 
principal fund, while others may distribute 
both income and capital; and in a few in- 
stances a time limit (usually 25 or 30 years) 
has been set within which the total amount 
must be disbursed. Some engage in no work 
as an operating agency, but pursue their pur- 
poses by the making of grants; others main- 
tain permanent staffs and carry on work 
under their own auspices; and a few do both. 
While practically all are permitted wide 
latitude as to the activities in which they may 
engage, most of them have, for the time being, 
selected broad but specific fields in which to 
operate. 

A very large proportion of the foundations, 
it will be observed, devote their energies to 
research and the support of education, the 
feeling apparently growing among those 
responsible for foundation programs that 
these are highly appropriate functions for 
tax-exempt and quasi-public institutions of 
this sort. And the call for public service of 
this type in an age of such kaleidoscopic 
change as the present, when new knowledge 
essential to the understanding of new social 
situations lags behind, would seem to offer 
ample opportunity for their resources and 
powers. As Frederick P. Keppel puts it, 
"the discovery and distribution of facts from 
which men and women may draw their own 
conclusions offers the foundation a field suffi- 
ciently wide and sufficiently vital to the wel- 
fare of humanity." Dr. Keppel is quick to 
recognize, however, as do many others, that 
in practice many exceptions to such general 
principles are found necessary, and that even 
in the support of research and education 
these terms often need fairly liberal inter- 
pretation. The great interest and activity 
in social research which has been manifested 
during the last decade or two have without 
doubt been due in part to the rise of the large 
philanthropic foundations and their growing 
appreciation of its value. 

Demonstrations — which often include cer- 
tain types of research and educational work 



and which aim to test methods and set 
example rather than to establish institutions 
and programs for permanent outside support 
—have also found some favor with the 
foundations. The latter do not ordinarily 
engage in relief work nor do they grant charit- 
able aid to individuals. Following the princi- 
ple that "the endowed foundation should not 
relieve contemporary society of its obligation 
to support its own day-by-day charitable 
work, these foundations do not ordinarily con- 
tribute to the budgets of welfare agencies." 
The headquarters of most of the national 
foundations are in New York City; the others 
for the most part are found in Chicago, Wash- 
ington, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, 
Detroit, Buffalo, and Cincinnati. 

Consult: Hulseman, Bertha F.: American 
Foundations (Bulletin of Russell Sage Foundation 
Library, listing over 150 foundations, and indicat- 
ing their purpose, activities, resources, and officers), 
Revised Edition, 1930; Keppel, Frederick P.: 
The Foundation, 1930; Williams, Pierce: En- 
dowed Foundations in the United States of America, 



1927; Ogg, Frederic A.: 



Foundations and 



Endowments in Relation to Research in the United 
States of America" (Chapter XV in Research in the 
Humanistic and Social Sciences), 1928; Pritchett, 
Henry S.: " The Use and Abuse of Endowments," 
in Atlantic Monthly, October, 1929; Rosen wald, 
Julius: "Principles of Public Giving," in Atlantic 
Monthly, May, 1929; Twentieth Century Fund: 
American Foundations and Their Fields (a dia- 
gram), 1930. 

Shelby M. Harrison 

FRATERNAL ORDERS. Membership in 
a fraternal order implies and is usually stated 
to include a measure of mutual responsibility 
among the members for each other's welfare. 
On this basis practically all fraternal orders 
have welfare projects as prominent features 
of their programs. Two general types of 
orders should be distinguished: benefit 
orders, which insure their members; and 
non-insurance orders. Benefit orders com- 
monly offer aid in time of sickness, and other 
assistance in family problems in addition 
to insurance; and non-insurance orders 
usually give assistance, in institutions or 



171 



Fraternal Orders 



otherwise, to members who are in distress 
from sickness or other causes. Both groups 
ordinarily restrict their formal welfare proj- 
ects to members and their families. Asso- 
ciations of veterans, while not fraternal 
orders in the usual sense, have similar wel- 
fare undertakings and are therefore con- 
sidered in this article. 

History and Present Status. The first organ- 
ized welfare project of a fraternal order was a 
Masonic orphanage in California, established 
in 1850. Five years later the Independent 
Order of B'nai B'rith founded an institution 
in New Orleans, not restricting admissions 
to children of its members. The Masons 
followed in 1867 with an orphanage in Ken- 
tucky. Through the remainder of the nine- 
teenth century a few orders built an in- 
creasing number of institutions. According 
to the Bureau of the Census {Children under 
Institutional Care, 1923), 13 orders were at 
that time giving this kind of organized care 
to 9,700 children in their institutions. Early 
in the present century two fraternal orders 
established large national institutions. The 
Junior Order, United American Mechanics, 
now has two such homes for children of mem- 
bers—one at Tiffin, O., and the other at Lex- 
ington, N. C. Mooseheart, under the auspices 
of the Loyal Order of Moose, with a popula- 
tion of about 1,200, is a national institution 
founded to accept into residence families 
of fatherless children with their mothers. 
This, of course, proved to be of limited prac- 
ticability, and many children are received 
without their mothers. In 1 924-1 925 the 
Order of Moose inaugurated an "extension 
plan" under which mothers with families are 
subsidized, in cooperation with local social 
agencies, so that they may remain in their 
own homes. More children are now being 
cared for in this way and at a smaller expense 
than in Mooseheart. 

The program of the Veterans of Foreign 
Wars centers around a farm-school project, 
restricted to the children of veterans and ad- 
ministered in the tradition of the older 
fraternal welfare movements. The program 



of the American Legion is radically different 
from that of any other order in its coopera- 
tion with existing social agencies and its 
broad assumption of responsibility for child 
welfare projects. Two of the Legion's state 
branches have very small institutions, but 
the order has no national institution. The 
national office employs a staff of trained 
social workers in five areas of the country, 
and local Legion posts cooperate closely 
with health agencies and social agencies of 
every kind in caring for the children of 
veterans. Support of welfare legislation is a 
major activity, and a relief fund of $100,000 
a year is administered from national head- 
quarters in Indianapolis as temporary aid 
to cases for which local posts are making 
permanent plans. 

Space does not permit listing all of the 
orders and their projects. There are no cen- 
tral statistics, but among types of service 
carried on are the following: The Indepen- 
dent Order of B'nai B'rith operates five 
regional children's homes; the Masons 
operate 33 institutions in 30 states, and give 
direct relief to widows and families through 
local lodges; the Brotherhood of American 
Yeomen has a national children's home in 
addition to paying insurance benefits, and 
gives much voluntary relief locally; the 
Independent Order of Red Men subsidizes 
widows and children; the Elks carry on 
much local social work and have few insti- 
tutions; the Shriners support hospitals for 
crippled children; the Woodmen of the 
World have a tuberculosis sanatorium; the 
Loyal Order of Moose maintains Mooseheart 
in Illinois for fatherless children and widows 
and Moosehaven in Florida for aged mem- 
bers, besides maintaining an extension sub- 
sidy service in their own homes for widows 
and children and for a few aged couples; 
the Odd Fellows have 40 institutions in 35 
states; the Knights of Pythias and many 
orders among the foreign-born support insti- 
tutions, large and small. Other forms of 
assistance include student funds provided 
by Masons; health centers supported by 
the Women's Benefit Association; hospital 



172 



Girls' Clubs 



service for members of the Brotherhood of 
American Trainmen; and aid to convents 
and schools by the First Catholic Slovak 
Ladies' Union. The list is not complete, 
but it indicates that aid to children and aged 
members is the principal form of assistance. 
There are generally no training require- 
ments for employment in the welfare work 
of fraternal orders. Exceptions are the 
personnel of the American Legion's National 
Child Welfare Division, the case work staff 
of Mooseheart, and the medical services of 
many other orders. For some years the Child 
Welfare League of America maintained a 
department for cooperation with fraternal 
orders, and their relations with social agen- 
cies have been promoted by that means. 
The literature of the Children's Bureau of 
the United States Department of Labor is 
widely used. Proposals have been made for 
the organization of a central body or council 
representing the welfare work of the lodges, 
with social workers as consultant members. 
In general, the orders are increasingly con- 
scious of the value of social work of a pro- 
fessional type, but are handicapped by tra- 
dition in the raising of standards and by the 
necessity of using their welfare features in 
appealing for increased membership. They 
are, however, a great reservoir of potential 
welfare power. 

Consult: The Yeomen Shield (Des Moines, 
Iowa), January, 1929; Social Forces for December, 
1929; and issues of The Fraternal Monitor (Roch- 
ester, N. Y.). 

C. W. Areson 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 585. 

FREEDOM OF SPEECH and FREE- 
DOM OF THE PRESS. See Civil 
Liberties. 

FRESH AIR CAMPS. See Summer Camps 
and Day Outings. 

FRIENDLY SERVICES. See Societies 
for Friendly Services. 



GIRL SCOUTS. See Scouting and Re- 
lated Organizations. 

GIRLS' BOARDING HOMES. See 
Housing for Girls and Women. 

GIRLS' CLUBS. The girls' clubs described 
in this article are manifestly quite different 
in character from the boys' clubs described 
in the article on that topic. They represent 
an older group, consisting almost entirely 
of employed girls and young women. For 
clubs for younger girls, and girls' clubs under 
other auspices than those here described, see 
Social Settlements, Youth Service As- 
sociations (Girls' Friendly Societies, Young 
Women's Christian Associations, and Young 
Women's Hebrew Associations), and the 
girls' organizations included under Scouting 
and Related Organizations. See also 
Housing for Girls and Women and 
Summer Camps and Day Outings. 

History and Present Status. In 1881 a few 
women employed in garment factories in 
New York City, drawn together by a com- 
mon desire for recreation and self-improve- 
ment, started a club— one of the first work- 
ing women's clubs in the United States of 
which there is any record. They asked a 
wealthy woman of education and culture, 
who was their Sunday-school teacher, to 
direct it. The attitude of the members is 
shown in the remarks recorded in the min- 
utes of a business meeting: "Girls are inde- 
pendent; they want no patronage but rather 
an opportunity to govern and do for them- 
selves. Our organization is truly a child of 
the daughters of labor. Our fathers and 
mothers work; before them their fathers and 
mothers worked; and we, too, work. Let us 
call ourselves the 'Working Girls' Society' 
and show New York that we are not afraid 
of work." The club grew rapidly, soon 
reaching a membership of 150. A dress- 
making class was started and a circulating 
library of 500 volumes collected. With the 
exception of gifts received for the original 
furnishing of the clubroom, the club was 
self-supporting. 



173 



Girls' Clubs 



By 1885 eight clubs of this sort had been 
formed among industrial workers in New 
York City, and these clubs were federated 
in the New York Association of Working 
Girls' Societies, whose stated purpose was 
"to promote the physical, intellectual and 
moral advancement of women workers and 
to afford them opportunities for friendly 
association and intelligent cooperation." 
To be eligible for membership a club for 
working women had to be nonsectarian, 
self-governing, and aiming toward self- 
support, with a record of not less than six 
months of organized life in the city of New 
York or its vicinity. The first convention 
was held in New York in 1890, with dele- 
gates representing 2,000 club members and 
75 clubs. 

Between the years 1885 and 1891 similar 
clubs were being organized in Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, and Pennsylvania. In 1889 
eight Massachusetts clubs formed a state 
league like that of New York; in 1891 Con- 
necticut federated six clubs and eastern 
Pennsylvania three into state bodies. In 
1897 a further step in organization was taken 
when these five state leagues banded to- 
gether to form the National League of Wo- 
men Workers. 

The growth of clubs followed the path of 
the woman worker and was concentrated 
early on the Atlantic seaboard. While it is 
true that the real strides in the improvement 
of the condition of working women were 
to come through economic and legislative 
action, there can be no question of the edu- 
cational value of these club groups. The 
insistence in the clubs on the principles of 
self-government and self-support gave mem- 
bers a chance to assert themselves and to 
develop initiative in the administering of 
club programs and finances. Club programs 
provided recreation and mental stimulation 
in the form of talks by teachers and civic 
leaders. In addition the presence, in places 
of leadership, of women of education and 
vision who were not "uplifters" but who 
saw in the club movement an opportunity 
to enlarge their own experience through con- 



tact with working women, and who, moreover, 
had "advanced" ideas as to working hours 
and opportunities, served to focus the atten- 
tion of these early groups on the fundamental 
problems of the working woman— her work- 
ing conditions, her living conditions, and 
her opportunities for recreation and educa- 
tion. 

In 1892 the New York organization 
founded the Alliance Employment Bureau 
to secure positions for women under the best 
conditions and wages obtainable. This 
bureau was affiliated with 24 organizations 
in New York City, and formed the model for 
employment work in the city. Interest was 
next centered upon the closely related ques- 
tion of trade training for women; the first 
school to provide vocational training for 
women— later to become the Manhattan 
Trade School for Girls— had its roots in this 
group. 

Housing was early recognized as a most 
important problem, and the unique idea was 
conceived of a working women's hotel in 
New York City that should not depend upon 
charitable contributions or endowments but 
should be a self-supporting venture, and 
should, moreover, have no rules or regula- 
tions except such as govern any hotel. The 
result was the Virginia Hotel in 191 1 (re- 
built in 1928), followed later by the Irvin, 
and later still by the Sutton, opened in 1930. 

The inexpensive summer vacation was 
also stressed in all states, and practically 
every state organization had its vacation 
house at the seashore or in the mountains. 
The buildings were generally donated but 
the administration was often, as with the 
clubs, in the hands of the members them- 
selves. 

The World War gave great impetus to the 
club movement because of the general in- 
terest in organized recreation to offset the 
strain of high pressure work in munitions 
factories and elsewhere. Employers were 
eager to have their employes join clubs, and 
in some communities contributed a large 
part of the initial expense of launching a 
club. In 1 92 1 the total membership in 



174 



Girls' Clubs 



girls' clubs was 18,000, federated in six 
strong state associations and a strong na- 
tional organization— the National League 
of Women Workers, which name was later 
changed to the National League of Girls' 
Clubs. A national convention which dis- 
cussed principles and policies was held 
biennially by the League. 

From its beginnings the National League 
helped to formulate fundamental principles 
and assisted the state leagues and clubs to 
carry them out through the medium of its 
council and its field secretaries. When club 
work was in its infancy and the club leader 
a volunteer worker, the national organiza- 
tion recognized the need for trained leader- 
ship and opened a training course for its 
own leaders and for outsiders. It became an 
authority on the organization of clubs for 
working women, and answered inquiries from 
all parts of the country. 

From 1922 on, the history of the National 
League stands out chiefly because of its 
contribution to the movement for adult 
education and its pioneer experiments in 
that field. It saw its task outlined, through 
the vision of its leaders, as a spreading among 
its members of an interest in the newer type 
of adult education which had attained great 
strength in Europe in workers' classes and 
was beginning to permeate this country. 
This idea was launched at one of the biennial 
conventions and received the backing of 
the membership. Concretely, the education 
committee of the national organization en- 
couraged the establishment of evening classes 
in connection with the clubs, helped to form 
education committees back of these, and to 
select teachers in each locality who were 
suitable for the work. The national office 
outlined courses in social history, science, 
and literature for its groups. To show what 
type of adult education was aimed at, a 
summer school for its members and out- 
siders was started in the summer of 1925. 

The following year the problem presented 

itself to the National League of following up 

the interest of summer school students who 

went back to their small factory towns 

12 I 



where there were no classes. The solution 
was a traveling teacher who was to go from 
center to center in a given area, organize a 
class, teach it for a time, and endeavor if 
possible to secure and instruct a local 
teacher to continue it. Demonstrations of 
this kind, financed by the Carnegie Corpora- 
tion, were carried on with marked success in 
the Berkshires and in sections of Pennsyl- 
vania. 

As a result of the work of the National 
League special education departments, with 
paid trained secretaries, were established in 
several of the state leagues. In 1928, at a 
regular biennial convention, it was voted to 
disband the National League on the ground 
that it had done its work and that the state 
leagues were now in a position to carry on 
their activities without assistance. Provi- 
sion was made for the League summer school 
to be continued, and for a committee to con- 
vene the following year to consider the ques- 
tion of continuing national conventions. 

In the previous year the Pennsylvania 
League, which like the other state leagues 
had been a federation of clubs interested in 
both recreational and educational work, 
decided to devote itself exclusively to edu- 
cational work in Philadelphia, and changed 
its name to the New Students' League. It is 
today a school for men and women workers, 
offering classes in history, sociology, psychol- 
ogy, literature, and dramatics. In 1929, 
through lack of funds and leadership, the 
Massachusetts State League, at one time the 
strongest league in the organization, was 
forced practically to disband, although a 
large number of individual clubs in Massa- 
chusetts continue to function, some of them 
owning their own clubhouses. The Massa- 
chusetts League vacation house at Rockport 
is still maintained under the supervision of 
an interested committee. Connecticut and 
Rhode Island have individual clubs but only 
a nucleus of a state organization. 

The strongest group by far at the present 
moment is the New York League of Girls' 
Clubs (the old New York Association of 
Working Girls' Societies) with headquarters 



75 



Girls' Protective Work 



in New York City. It comprises 17 clubs 
and a large general membership in New 
York City, and two groups in upper New 
York State— in Amsterdam and Syracuse. It 
reflects in its program all the changes in the 
history of the working woman from the early 
eighties, with their emphasis on the three P's 
(Perseverance, Purity, and Pleasantness), 
classes in embroidery and "practical talks," 
to the present, when it offers a comprehensive 
recreational and educational program meet- 
ing the most modern demands. The newest 
of its clubhouses contains swimming pool, 
gymnasium, auditorium, clubroom, class- 
rooms, and library. Its membership of over 
2,000 comprises a larger proportion of office 
than industrial workers, and includes teach- 
ers, librarians, and nurses. It maintains 
two summer camps (one of them entirely 
self-supporting) and a summer school. It 
has for the past two years, while still offering 
small club units, emphasized general mem- 
bership in the organization for young women 
who are interested in its recreational and 
educational program but not in small unit 
affiliation. Although the fees for activities 
are kept moderate through cooperative 
organization, the recreational work covers 
its own costs; the educational classes are 
partly subsidized, as is the summer school, 
and the central administration expenses are 
met partly by contributions. 

Consult: Graham, Abbie: Grace H. Dodge; 
Merchant of Dreams (The Woman's Press, New 
York), 1926; Annual reports of State and Na- 
tional Leagues, on file in the New York League of 
Girls Clubs, 328 East 56th Street. 

Doris Maddow 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. 



GIRLS' FRIENDLY SOCIETIES. 
Youth Service Associations. 



See 



GIRLS' PROTECTIVE WORK. Within 
the last two decades girls' protective work 
has developed in the form of specialized agen- 
cies to meet the modern problems of adoles- 



cents. The traditional approach to these 
problems was remedial, through the use of 
legal procedure and placement in institutions, 
rather than preventive, through the use of 
psychological analysis and other techniques 
of individualized social case work treatment. 
The emphasis thus placed upon the problems 
of adolescence, as constituting a field of work 
apart from family welfare or child welfare, 
has been of great value in clarifying special 
needs and difficulties, the causes of which 
had been previously very little understood. 

The movement received its greatest im- 
petus during the World War when local 
protective agencies were drafted for camp 
service. They decentralized at the close of 
the war, but in 1925 representatives of some 
of them met and organized the Girls' Pro- 
tective Council, to discuss functions and 
standards, the training of workers, better 
case work, development of leisure time activi- 
ties, legislation and educational work, and 
to promote a better understanding of the 
needs. Among the charter agencies were the 
Girls' Service League of America in New 
York City, Women's Protective Association 
in Cleveland, Girls' Protective League in 
Detroit, Juvenile Protective Association in 
Chicago, Big Sisters of St. Louis, Girls' Ad- 
visory and Protective Bureau in Kansas 
City, Women's Cooperative Alliance in Min- 
neapolis, and the Civic Protective Asso- 
ciation in New Haven. A general member- 
ship later included other types of agencies 
dealing with girls' problems. 

Although it was recognized that handling 
the "teen age problem" should include work 
with boys, the Council decided for the pres- 
ent to consider boys' work only when the 
girls' problems involved boy relationships. 
Protective agencies deal with girls between 
the ages of 12 and 21 ; the length of age span 
and types of problems treated are determined 
by local needs. 

The demand for protective service has 
increased rapidly with the education of the 
community as to causal factors, the pos- 
sibility of prevention, and the necessity 
of early adjustment of behavior problems. 



176 



Girls' Protective Work 



Parents, teachers, and employers increas- 
ingly have sought assistance in solving the 
puzzling problems of youth, and other social 
agencies and visiting teachers constantly 
utilize the specialized service available. 
The recognition in protective agencies of the 
need for personal adjustments in home, 
school, and industry led to the early use of 
staff psychiatrists and psychologists for 
special study of the emotional factors in- 
volved in girls' problems which affect their 
social relationships. As early as 19 13 the 
Girls' Service League of America recognized 
this basic need and placed Anne T. Bing- 
ham, psychiatrist, on its stafT as mental 
examiner and physician, later psychiatrist, 
and in 1921 the Women's Protective Associa- 
tion of Cleveland employed Eleanor Row- 
land Wembridge as psychologist; many 
protective agencies have secured such ser- 
vices from hospitals, clinics, and private 
physicians. 

The problems presented in this field of 
work are varied and are concerned with the 
more intangible values of life. They range 
from less serious personal problems of girls 
needing advice and guidance to more serious 
behavior problems, or mental disturbance or 
emotional difficulties, or those which are the 
result of physical or mental handicaps. The 
lack of parental control or guidance fre- 
quently reveals itself in resentfulness to 
authority, disobedience, untruthfulness, and 
undesirable companionships, with the result 
of family friction, truancy, running away 
from home, misappropriation of property, 
and moral laxity. Frequently the girl with 
an unfortunate home background and of 
superior mentality needs guidance. These 
problems are handled by protective agencies 
without court action as far as advisable. 
The psychopathic, neurotic, or feeble-minded 
girl who cannot adjust herself in home or 
school, is given vocational training and social 
guidance by protective organizations. In a 
majority of such cases, intensive case work 
treatment results in an adjustment of the 
disturbing factors of personality or home 
conditions, Other cases, unfit for com- 



munity life, are segregated in hospitals or 
institutions. 

In the complex life of present-day urban 
communities, differences of social standards 
between foreign-born parents and American- 
born girls constitute one of the major prob- 
lems needing adjustment. Protective agen- 
cies help to harmonize the two points of 
view. Each nationality with its traditions 
and mores needs a special adaptation to 
American social life. Protection is also given 
the girl, when necessary, from unwholesome 
home influences or evil conditions. Com- 
plaints are handled in such matters through 
legal or community action against those re- 
sponsible. Some agencies, like the Juvenile 
Protective Association in Chicago and the 
Women's Cooperative Alliance in Minne- 
apolis, have aroused the community con- 
science to remedy demoralizing conditions 
due to unwholesome commercialized recrea- 
tion or to the lack of proper leisure-time 
activities. Other organizations have de- 
veloped an educational program of home 
visitation of parents in order to give them 
knowledge and a better understanding of 
how to meet girls' social problems; and still 
others have stimulated visiting teachers' 
work in schools and advisory service on diffi- 
cult problems, or have motivated legislative 
programs affecting this field, such as the 
prevention of child marriages. 

Protective agencies have also sponsored 
the organization of policewomen's bureaus 
and the maintenance of high standards of 
performance. Where this has been accom- 
plished it has resulted in a modification of 
the broad and varied functions of the girls' 
protective agency, and has released them for 
more preventive work with individual girls. 
Special attention has been given to voca- 
tional adjustment and the supervision of 
emotionally unstable girls. Because of the 
extent of the problems faced, and the 
large demands for guidance, the well-trained 
paid workers of protective agencies have 
increased their influence through the use 
of the volunteer, who renders valuable 
service in meeting certain of the educa- 

77 



The Hard of Hearing 



tional, recreational, and personality needs 
of young girls. 

Consult: Wembridge, Eleanor R.: Other People's 
Daughters, 1926; Binford, Jessie F.: "Community 
Protective Measures," in Proceedings of the Na- 
tional Conference of Social Work, 1924; Addams, 
Jane: The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets, 
1909; Healy, Bronner, Murphy, and Baylor: 
Reconstructing Behavior in Youth, 1929; and Van 
Waters, Miriam: Youth in Conflict, 1925. 

Sabina Marshall 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 585. 

HABIT-TRAINING CLINICS. See Psy- 
chiatric Clinics for Children. 

THE HANDICAPPED. See Sheltered 
Workshops, Placement for the Hand- 
icapped, Rehabilitation, The Blind, 
Blindness, Prevention of; The Deaf, 
The Hard of Hearing, Crippled Chil- 
dren, Speech Disorders. 

HANDICRAFTS. See Arts and Crafts. 

THE HARD OF HEARING or deafened- 
the terms are exactly interchangeable— are 
persons born with full sensory equipment 
who have become handicapped, subsequent 
to the development of speech, through the 
failure of their power to receive spoken com- 
munication by the sense of hearing. The 
scientific term is hypacusic. 

When hearing becomes impaired, most 
persons find themselves unadjusted to so- 
ciety. Educated for normal life, many of 
them are unable to continue in the occupa- 
tion for which they have been trained and 
must make a change or face dependency. 
All of them suffer prolonged mental strain 
which sometimes develops unhealthy de- 
pression, seclusiveness, and feelings of in- 
feriority. Some are themselves able to make 
the necessary readjustment, but for complete 
social rehabilitation the majority require as- 
sistance along psychological, economic, and 
educational lines. Also, although most 



cases of hearing impairment in adults are 
not amenable to treatment, prompt medical 
attention at the onset of the trouble is im- 
perative to make certain that every possible 
measure is being taken to alleviate the condi- 
tion and to conserve the remainder of hear- 
ing acuity. The problem of the hard of 
hearing is thus different from that of persons 
born deaf, whose chief need is vocational 
training, and they require help of a different 
type. 

The hard of hearing are variously esti- 
mated at from 5 per cent to 20 per cent of the 
population, with the probable number ap- 
proaching the larger rather than the smaller 
estimate. Among them are many of the 
outstanding persons in any given community. 
As a result, organization for the benefit of 
this historically neglected group is a move- 
ment primarily of the hard of hearing them- 
selves. That fact is one of great significance. 

History and Present Status. Social work for 
the hard of hearing originated 20 years ago 
in New York City, when the New York 
League for the Hard of Hearing was founded 
by a young teacher of lip reading, Edward 
B. Nitchie, to take care of problems of 
personal readjustment which he could not 
handle. This society, a membership cor- 
poration operating for the deafened of all 
ages, races and religions, and every social 
level (since in this handicap the higher social 
levels require readjustments), has become a 
pattern organization in the field. Its work 
embraces employment services, a research 
clinic for prevention of deafness, lip reading 
classes for children (pending the adoption of 
its program of detection, medical care, and 
lip reading by the local department of educa- 
tion), lip reading practice for adults, recrea- 
tion groups of all ages, hearing aid consulta- 
tion service, with active cooperation freely 
given to public authorities and private agen- 
cies in the fields of medicine, education, 
physics, and social work. There are now 80 
leagues or other local groups of the hard of 
hearing, all having the same general char- 
acter and purpose as the New York League. 



178 



The Hard of Hearing 



In 1929 the American Federation of Or- 
ganizations for the Hard of Hearing was 
founded by a director of the New York 
League, Wendell C. Phillips, M.D., a former 
president of the American Medical Associa- 
tion. It at once attracted the cooperation 
as well as the endorsement of leading medical 
societies and prominent otologists. Others, 
leaders in science and education, became 
associated, many of whom were themselves 
hard of hearing. Although the American 
Federation is working today in the national 
and international field of social rehabilita- 
tion for the deafened, it has also a program, 
which is being gradually adopted, for the 
child with incipient progressive deafness. 
This includes early detection through 
periodical school surveys, medical care and 
health education, lip reading instruction in 
public schools, wise vocational guidance and 
vocational training (to avoid distressing 
economic readjustments in case of increased 
hearing impairment), and character-building 
play with hearing children. 

Public activity has been comparatively 
slight in the field because it is only recently 
that the differences between work for the 
hard of hearing and work for the deaf have 
been generally recognized, and because it 
has been assumed, quite naturally, that the 
fairly adequate provisions made by most 
states for the education of the deaf also took 
care of the hard of hearing. Members of the 
latter group themselves are working at pres- 
ent to overcome the general confusion on 
this point. Among the publicly financed 
activities for the hard of hearing as distinct 
from the deaf are special classes for deafened 
children in the public schools, and school 
surveys for the detection of impaired hearing. 
At least 65 teachers of lip reading are em- 
ployed in such classes, and 100 cities to date 
have participated in the surveys. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
The employment of social workers by private 
agencies in this field is as yet an ideal, rather 
than the rule. The American Federation 
and the New York League for the Hard of 



Hearing prefer slightly deafened graduates 
of a college or school of social work with 
experience in social case work, but engage 
staff members on individual ability. The 
New York League trains workers in its 
special activities and has given courses to 
workers from other leagues; it also welcomes 
observers who desire to study its work. In 
cooperation with the League, Columbia Uni- 
versity now offers a course in problems of the 
hard of hearing, and 10 other universities 
and normal schools give courses designed 
especially to train teachers for work in this 
field. Opportunities for social workers 
whose hearing is impaired will rapidly in- 
crease. 

Developments and Events, igig. The smaller 
leagues increased in number during the year 
and began to formulate policies. Besides 
the annual conference held at Cleveland in 
June, two zone conferences were held, at San 
Francisco and at Baltimore. Teachers Col- 
lege, Columbia University, offered for the 
first time three courses in this field of work. 
The first attempt at legislation in behalf of 
the hard of hearing was made in Maine, 
during the year, by the State Commissioner 
of Education with the cooperation of the 
Speech Readers Club of Portland. The bill, 
which did not become a law, provided for 
periodical tests of school children by audi- 
ometer for the detection of impaired hearing. 
During the year the first survey of this field 
in New York City was made and completed, 
under the auspices of the local board of edu- 
cation, in cooperation with the New York 
League for the Hard of Hearing. The pur- 
pose was to determine the amount of hearing 
impairment among the pupils in a few schools 
in the Borough of Brooklyn. The unpub- 
lished report may be consulted at the office 
of the League. 

Consult: Peck, Samuelson, and Lehman: Ears 
and the Man: Studies in Social Work for the 
Deafened (bibliography), 1926; Joint Committee 
on Health Problems in Education of the National 
Education Association and the American Medical 
Association: Report on the Deafened School Child, 



179 



Health Centers 



1928; Office of Education, United States Depart- 
ment of the Interior: The Hard of Hearing Child, 
1927; American Federation of Organizations for 
the Hard of Hearing: Proceedings, 1921 to 1929; 
American Medical Association: Proceedings, 
1921 to 1929; Lip Reading Department of the 
National Education Association: Proceedings, 
1925 to 1929; Second Conference on Problems of 
the Deaf and the Hard of Hearing: Research 
Recommendations (National Research Council 
Bulletin No. 88), 1929; and American Otological 
Society: Report on Otosclerosis, 1930. 

Annetta W. Peck 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 585. 

HEALTH CENTERS have been defined as 
organizations which provide, promote, and 
coordinate medical and welfare services for 
the population of a definite area. They rep- 
resent efforts to attain two ends: first, the 
creation of a district small enough to permit 
the applying of accepted health procedures 
to practically its entire population; second, 
the elimination within this district of the 
confusion and duplication of services which 
inevitably result when a number of different 
agencies— public or private, general or 
specialized, organized primarily to promote 
public health, or primarily to promote gen- 
eral welfare— carry on health activities in 
the same territory simultaneously, without 
joint planning or any provision for the co- 
ordination of their work. 

History and Present Status. Health centers 
in this country had their beginning less than 
20 years ago in the five-year period imme- 
diately preceding the World War. The 
earliest ones were organized in Pittsburgh, 
Cincinnati, New York City, Milwaukee, and 
Philadelphia by workers in the fields of child 
health and tuberculosis prevention respec- 
tively, who desired to apply to the whole 
population of specified districts the methods 
known to be effective in preventing infant 
mortality or tuberculosis. A little later the 
idea of coordination began to emerge. Bos- 



ton, Cleveland, Buffalo, and New York 
City were among the places which had 
early developments of significance in this 
regard. Progress was somewhat delayed 
during the years of America's participation 
in the war, but it gained great momentum 
in the post-war period, partly through 
the so-called peace-time program of the 
American Red Cross, and partly through 
the beginning of health demonstrations 
financed by foundations or other especially 
interested groups. The Red Cross, through 
its local branches, did much to stimulate 
the development of health centers, especially 
as media for the dissemination of health 
information through exhibits, pamphlet 
distribution, and the like. See Health 
Education, Popular. The purpose of all 
health demonstrations was to develop, in 
selected areas, sound principles of procedure 
in public health work which might be used 
as yardsticks by other communities. These 
demonstrations have already contributed 
much toward the development of definite 
conclusions as to the best techniques to be 
followed in organized community effort to 
promote public health. They differ from 
health centers in a number of particulars, but 
primarily in the fact that they are temporary 
in character. See Health Demonstra- 
tions. 

Since the health center movement is based 
upon service to the local community, it is 
clear that the centers will vary in accordance 
with the special needs of the districts which 
they serve. Some centers stress preventive 
services only; others emphasize curative 
activities; while a third type may combine 
both of these; also centers of each sort may 
differ widely among themselves as to the 
degree of cooperation which they offer other 
social agencies. 

Health centers may be conducted under 
municipal auspices or may be supported by 
private agencies. They may administer a 
complete program for one agency, or may 
represent the cooperative efforts of several. 
They are sometimes county activities, as 
the Los Angeles Health Center and the 



180 



Health Councils 



Alameda County Health Center of Califor- 
nia. There are centers which, as single 
units, serve an entire community by housing 
a number of health and welfare agencies; 
those of Schenectady, N. Y., and Des Moines, 
Iowa, are typical of this centralized form. 
Boston is an example of a city in which de- 
velopment has been decentralized, with a 
series of municipal health centers located in 
the sections of the city where they are most 
needed. The city health department as- 
sumes the expense of physical maintenance 
of these centers and provides in each of them 
for the housing of other health and welfare 
agencies or districts. This development, 
which began in 1916, was made possible by a 
large gift from the George Robert White 
Fund. The privately maintained health 
centers in New York City are also examples 
of decentralization. The excellent progress 
of the East Harlem Health Center and the 
Judson, Bowling Green, and Bellevue-York- 
ville centers have resulted in plans for city- 
wide health centers under municipal auspices. 

Typical of the varying services rendered 
by health centers are the following: (a) the 
combination of surgical and medical care 
with emergency beds and laboratory facili- 
ties, preventive activities, and welfare work, 
including the giving of relief, which is found 
in the Los Angeles County Health Center; 
and (b) the program of pre-natal service, 
infant welfare and dental service, posture 
and nutrition work, mental hygiene, bedside 
nursing, tuberculosis clinics, provision of free 
physicians for the poor, periodic health ex- 
aminations, and so forth, supplemented by 
social service, found in the Boston health 
centers. 

There is no national organization for this 
special field of work and there are no nation- 
wide statistics as to the number of patients 
treated by health centers in any given year. 
The Schenectady center treats approximately 
6,000 people annually, and the Des Moines 
center had 12,000 patients in 1928. If these 
figures are typical of the numbers reached by 
centers in the smaller cities, it is evident that 
the total number of patients must be very 



large. No radical changes in the policies 
of health centers have developed recently. 
There is evidence of an increasing apprecia- 
tion of the value of health department leader- 
ship in the movement, and the cooperation 
of the medical profession is becoming in- 
creasingly important. There is no question 
but that the health center movement has 
resulted in greater efficiency and economy 
in the conduct of public health work. It 
has avoided duplication, has helped to point 
out and fill gaps in the general scheme of 
health care, and has assisted in bringing 
public health administration closer to the 
homes of people for whose benefit it was de- 
vised. 

During 1929 health centers were organized 
in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., in Kent, Queen Anne, 
and Rockland counties, Maryland, also in 
Milwaukee, and in Austin, Tex. A series of 
health centers was organized in Fort Worth. 

Consult: Tobey, J. A.: "Health Center Move- 
ment in the United States," in Modern Hospital, 
March, 1920; Widdemer, K. D.: "East Harlem 
Health Center Demonstration," in Hospital Social 
Service, September, 1923; Wilinsky, C. F.: "The 
Health Center," in American Journal of Public 
Health, July, 1927; Davis, M. M., Jr.: Clinics, 
Hospitals and Health Centers, 1927; Los Angeles 
County: "Health Center Development," in 
Journal of American Medical Association, Novem- 
ber 16, 1929. 

Charles F. Wilinsky 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. 

HEALTH COUNCILS are coordinating 
agencies in the field of public health. A local 
council is composed of two representatives 
of each private health agency in the city— 
usually the paid executive and a lay member 
of the board— representatives of public 
health agencies, and members at large. The 
council endeavors, by correlating the pro- 
grams of member agencies, to obtain the 
greatest possible efficiency and economy and 
to eliminate duplication. With group plan- 
ning there is less likelihood of undue empha- 
sis on certain problems to the neglect of 



181 



Health Councils 



others. The discovery of gaps in a health 
program makes possible the initiation of new 
programs to meet existing needs. The coun- 
cil gives the existing tax-supported agencies 
its moral support and cooperates with the 
local medical association. 

The health council, as distinguished from 
the health association, is not primarily a 
service organization. The Cleveland Coun- 
cil, however, supplies fact-finding and health 
education service to its member agencies, 
while the Boston Council maintains a gen- 
eral information service, and in Cincinnati 
some of the divisional councils render direct 
service. Councils usually work closely with 
the local welfare federation, council of social 
agencies or community chest. In Cleveland 
the health council hears and makes recom- 
mendations on the budgets of its member 
agencies in the welfare federation. Health 
councils may be supported by voluntary 
contributions, as in Boston; by member 
agency subscriptions, as in Denver; or more 
commonly through the community chest. 
Most health councils bear that name, but 
in Cincinnati the corresponding body is 
known as the Public Health Federation, and 
in Boston as the Health League. 

Aside from the local health councils, with 
which this article primarily deals, are the 
National Health Council and the Massa- 
chusetts Central Health Council. The for- 
mer was established in 1920 and includes 
in its membership 15 national health agen- 
cies. It has recently been reorganized more 
nearly as a service organization, rendering 
common services, such as purchasing, library 
maintenance, and the like. The Massa- 
chusetts Council, composed of 15 health 
organizations, was begun in 1919. This is 
the only state health council in existence. 
It studies the problem of public clinics and 
professional service and publishes a bulletin 
for industrial health workers. The execu- 
tives of local councils are united in an in- 
formal national committee which provides 
for interchange of ideas and ideals. 

Health councils have been formed in many 
cities during the past decade, and others are 



in the process of formation. Their develop- 
ment has not followed any set pattern, but 
has been directed by local needs; hence 
their activities cover a wide range and will 
be best understood by a brief summary of 
some of the accomplishments of each 
during the year 1929. 

The Cincinnati Public Health Federation, 
created in 191 7, assisted in securing a larger 
appropriation for the city health depart- 
ment; conducted a bond issue campaign for 
$2,000,000 on behalf of the county tubercu- 
losis sanatorium, and advised the city build- 
ing commission. It has organized a health 
education council which will promote annual 
health examinations. The Shoemaker Clinic, 
conducted by white and Negro physicians— 
originally sponsored and still guided to some 
extent by the Health Federation— was 
helped by the federation during 1929 to 
obtain a new building. A study of conva- 
lescent care has been made and a community 
program outlined. A 50-bed institution for 
convalescent children will soon be under 
construction. The Health Federation also 
attempted to extend the services of the Cin- 
cinnati General Hospital, and has made an 
evaluation of health work in the county 
according to American Public Health Asso- 
ciation standards. Studies relating to the 
following subjects were made during 1929: 
life conservation, needs of the city health 
department, standards for summer health 
camps, the needs of the Cincinnati General 
Hospital, and convalescent care. A number 
of articles and papers were published. 

The Boston Health League, organized in 
1919, cooperated during 1929 in a conference 
on mental hygiene which resulted in a grant 
for a mental hygiene survey; studied infant 
mortality; maintained a directory of dis- 
pensaries and supplied information regarding 
available medical services; recommended a 
health education curriculum for the public 
schools; and maintained a calendar of public 
meetings on health topics. 

The Cleveland Health Council, first or- 
ganized in 1920, was reorganized under its 
present name in 1925. During 1929 it 



182 



Health Councils 



eliminated two agencies and organized the 
Cleveland Child Health Association to carry 
on work with the preschool child; estab- 
lished camp health programs in 21 summer 
camps; conducted a housing program in a 
densely populated area which resulted in 
17,000 inspections, 3,000 corrections, and 
300 houses torn down; promoted the adop- 
tion of a million dollar hospital bond issue; 
conducted a city clean-up campaign; sent a 
letter signed by the Commissioner of Health 
to the mothers of all babies born during the 
year urging the use of toxin-antitoxin; pre- 
pared a health book list for the public li- 
brary; and cooperated with the Academy of 
Medicine in developing a fact-finding com- 
mission. All the health programs of the 
Cleveland Council are founded on facts re- 
sulting from research. The Council's demo- 
graphical studies, based upon census tract 
data, are particularly important. Studies 
made during 1929 related to the following 
among other subjects: cases of the Visiting 
Nurse Association followed up six months 
after discharge, records of 377 girls com- 
mitted by juvenile court, a time study of 
public health nursing and clinic services, 
heart disease mortality, cases and deaths 
from common communicable diseases (ana- 
lyzed by age, sex, color, and census tracts), 
and health and health habits of adults. 

The Denver Public Health Council was 
organized in 1925. During 1929 it followed 
up the appraisal of public health activities 
of the city which had been previously made 
with the cooperation of the American Public 
Health Association, made plans for reducing 
the high infant mortality rate, gave atten- 
tion to maternal mortality and prenatal 
care, and planned programs for the better 
control of communicable diseases and health 
programs for the preschool child and the 
school child. 

The Health Council of the City of Min- 
neapolis and the County of Hennepin was 
organized under its present name in 1930, 
having previously been the Hennepin County 
Public Health Association. During 1929 it 
surveyed health conditions in summer camps, 



in maternity homes and hospitals, and in 
dental clinics. The Council publishes the 
Commonwealth Bulletin, and its secretary 
acts as consultant on health questions to the 
Council of Social Agencies. 

The Louisville Health Council, which was 
founded in 1925, promoted a Negro health 
week during 1929, completed and presented a 
health appraisal of public health activities 
in the city according to the methods of the 
American Public Health Association, began 
decentralization of the out-patient service of 
the City Hospital, and initiated a well baby 
clinic through the Public Health Nursing 
Association. Studies were published relating 
to nursing salary schedules, policies regarding 
health examinations of the staffs of com- 
munity chest agencies, causes of absence of 
school children, and health of Girl Scouts 
as shown by physical examinations, also a 
number of articles, including one on Negro 
morbidity and mortality. 

The New Haven Council of the Commu- 
nity Chest, which was organized as the Health 
Committee in 1927, was reorganized as a 
council in 1929. During 1929 it stimulated 
interest in a health survey it had made in 
1928, its efforts resulting in the employment 
of a mental hygiene supervisor by the Visit- 
ing Nurse Association, in the expansion of the 
Nursing Service for Crippled Children, and 
in the forming of a Community Nursing 
Council and Social Hygiene Committee. It 
completed two studies— one on child hygiene 
services of the city, and the other on the 
needs of indigents for dental treatment. 

The San Francisco Health Council, 
founded in 1925, obtained an appropriation 
of $15,000 during 1929 for caring for conva- 
lescents over 12 years of age; made a mental 
hygiene survey; established a child guidance 
clinic committee; established a diagnostic 
heart center, ultimately to be taken over by 
the Heart Committee of the County Medical 
Society; completed a social hygiene survey; 
and cooperated with the Hospital Council 
in raising standards of medical social service. 

The General Health Council of Allegheny 
County, Pa., and the St. Louis Health 



183 



Health Demonstrations 



Council were launched during 1929. The 
Health Conservation Association of Kansas 
City, which serves some of the purposes of a 
health council— although it might be classi- 
fied more accurately as a health association, 
since it is primarily a service organization- 
makes studies of public health needs and 
promotes health projects. Health commit- 
tees, health divisions, and health councils 
of social agencies, welfare federations, or 
community chests exist in 18 other cities for 
the purpose of rendering services somewhat 
similar to those rendered by the foregoing 
organizations. 

Howard Whipple Green 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies 
in this field see National Agencies, Classified, 
on page 585. 

HEALTH DEMONSTRATIONS have been 
described as "adventures in community 
education." They are exhibitions of mod- 
ern public health procedures, explained and 
applied by competent persons during a speci- 
fied period of time to the people of a given 
area, in the hope that these procedures will 
so prove their worth that they can later be 
incorporated in the usual practice of the 
community. The demonstration is thus a 
method of teaching public health. 

The first health demonstration in this 
country was financed by the Metropolitan 
Life Insurance Company in Framingham, 
Mass. In 191 5 over $4,000,000 had been 
paid out by this company in death claims on 
policyholders who had died of tuberculosis. 
The company offered $100,000 to the Na- 
tional Association for the Study and Pre- 
vention of Tuberculosis for use in finding 
out what could be done to discover cases of 
this disease and to control its spread. The 
original plan was that the association should 
spend three years in Framingham studying 
tuberculosis. Hardly had the demonstration 
begun when it became clear that it was im- 
possible to fight tuberculosis without carry- 
ing on a program for improving the general 
health of the community. The appropria- 

184 



tion was doubled and the demonstration con- 
tinued for a period of seven years. It gave 
for the first time a fairly complete picture of 
the amount of tuberculosis actually existing 
in a typical American community. It also 
gave a scheme of diagnostic standards. The 
tuberculosis death rate fell from 97.5 per 
100,000 in 191 7 to 38.2 in 1923, and through- 
out the succeeding years Framingham has 
had only about two-thirds of the death rate 
of the state of Massachusetts. 

Next in the field was the American Red 
Cross, which carried on a child health 
demonstration in Mansfield and Richland 
County, Ohio, from 1922 to 1925, under the 
supervision of the National Child Health 
Council. In this demonstration the central 
consideration was the child's health, but, as 
in Framingham, it was found impossible to 
treat one section of the community without 
treating all, and a general program resulted. 
Although half of the residents of Richland 
County lived on farms where health work 
had been practically unknown, it was possi- 
ble to establish 12 health centers for babies 
and preschool children in the county and in 
the village of Mansfield, and the number of 
physical examinations given school children 
increased from 730 in the school year 1921- 
1922 to 5,491 in 1924-1925. During the 
four years of the demonstration the health 
budget of the county was increased from 
$10,017 to $29,362, a full-time city and 
county health officer was appointed, and the 
number of public health nurses was increased 
from five to fourteen. On May 1, 1926, a 
dramatic event occurred, when 3,700 Blue 
Ribbon Children (children free from cor- 
rective defects) marched down the street in 
Mansfield. 

During the years from 1923 to 1929 the 
Commonwealth Fund carried on four demon- 
strations: at Fargo, N. D.; in Clark County, 
Ga.; Rutherford County, Tenn., and Marion 
County, Ore. At the close of the demonstra- 
tion period in the first three mentioned 
places, the local communities voted to con- 
tinue the public health program recom- 
mended by the demonstration staff. In 



Health Demonstrations 



Marion County action had not been taken 
at the time this report of the demonstration 
is written. Special features of the Com- 
monwealth Fund demonstrations were the 
cooperation of the state health agencies with 
the local groups. In Tennessee, for instance, 
the State Commissioner of Health allocated 
state funds to the Rutherford County dem- 
onstration, advised on its general policies 
and procedures, and watched its develop- 
ment closely. Opportunities were given 
local physicians and nurses to carry on post- 
graduate study on scholarships offered by 
the Commonwealth Fund, and in many 
other ways those responsible for carrying on 
the work after the demonstration period 
were given special assistance. 

In 1923 the Milbank Memorial Fund be- 
gan a health demonstration in Cattaraugus 
County, N. Y., and in the city of Syracuse, 
and two years later began work in the Belle- 
vue-Yorkville district of New York City. 
The year 1929 was the seventh of the rural 
demonstration in Cattaraugus County, and 
of the urban demonstration in Syracuse — 
one year of local organization and program- 
making and six years of operation. It was 
the fifth year of the Metropolitan Health 
Demonstration in the Bellevue-Yorkville 
district of New York City. Cattaraugus 
County in five years has increased its annual 
appropriation for health work from $9,325 to 
$66,000. In six years the tuberculosis death 
rate was reduced about one-third, and infant 
mortality one-fifth. Experts from 21 coun- 
tries have visited the Cattaraugus County 
Demonstration to learn how a maximum of 
efficiency in sanitation and medicine has 
checked diphtheria, tuberculosis, and other 
diseases. Syracuse, also, has responded 
splendidly, raising its appropriation for 
health purposes from $175,000 in 1923 to 
$350,000 in 1928, and the personnel from 
45 full-time and 33 part-time employes under 
a part-time commissioner of health to 98 full- 
time and 28 part-time workers under a full- 
time commissioner in 1928. The year 1930 
will officially close these two demonstrations. 

The organization of the Bellevue-York- 



ville Demonstration probably required more 
courage and steadfastness of purpose than 
anything thus far attempted in the promo- 
tion of public health. To develop a uni- 
fied and simplified program to augment the 
activities of the 56 health and social agencies 
working in Bellevue-Yorkville district was 
no task for the dilettante in welfare work. 
The Health Commissioner of New York 
City is chairman of the governing body of 
the demonstration and of its board of man- 
agers and its executive committee. Over 
1,500 physicians have offices in this district. 
The complexity of the demonstration is 
attested by the fact that although it began in 
1925, most of the first two years was ex- 
pended in program making and organiza- 
tion problems, community relationships, and 
the planning and remodeling of a building 
for use as a health center. In 1929, $172,500 
was appropriated by the Milbank Memorial 
Fund for this metropolitan demonstration, 
which enabled the health department to en- 
large its services, to try new methods for the 
prevention of disease, and to provide addi- 
tional field nurses, special nursing super- 
visors, and so forth. Both the Board of 
Education and the Catholic School Board 
have been given a supervising teacher to 
build into the curriculum a course in ele- 
mentary hygiene and a knowledge of health 
habits. Statistical studies, surveys, and 
clinical investigations are helping to ap- 
praise the value of public health measures. 

The demonstrations of the Milbank 
Memorial Fund are not duplications of those 
that preceded them. They deal with larger 
and more varied groups of population, and 
there exists in the three areas a greater di- 
versity of environmental conditions. Men- 
tal as well as physical health is compre- 
hended in the broad social program. The 
all-encompassing scope of the metropolitan 
demonstration is illustrated by the graduate 
course given the physicians of the district in 
the technique of making periodic physical 
examinations and keeping records of the 
results. The Cattaraugus County and 
Syracuse demonstrations will not terminate 



185 



Health Education in the Public Schools 



when their scholarships in health end. 
These communities now are prepared for 
advanced work, studies have begun already 
for evaluating the results accomplished, and 
a more intensive tuberculosis investigation 
is under way. 

Consult: Framingham Community Health and 
Tuberculosis Demonstration and the National 
Tuberculosis Association: Monographs i-io, 
1918-1924; Ruhland, George C: "Health 
Demonstrations," in American Journal of Public 
Health, March, 1929; The Commonwealth Fund: 
Five Years in Fargo, 1923- 1927 (Report of the Child 
Health Demonstration in Fargo, N. D.), 1929; 
Farrand, Folks, and Brown: "Health Demonstra- 
tions in the United States, 1927," in American 
Journal of Public Health, February, 1927; Wid- 
demer, Kenneth D.: The House that Health Built, 
A Report of the First Three Years' Work of the 
East Harlem Health Center Demonstrations (Ameri- 
can Red Cross), 1925. 

Joseph P. Kane 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 

HEALTH EDUCATION IN THE PUBLIC 
SCHOOLS. Health education, a phrase in 
widespread use since 19 18, has today many 
diverse meanings. The definition given by 
the Department of Superintendence of the 
National Education Association (Fourth 
Yearbook, 1926), follows: "Health education 
is the sum of experiences in school and 
elsewhere which favorably influence habits, 
attitudes, and knowledge relating to in- 
dividual, community, and racial health." 
Contemporary theory and practice in the 
fields of sociology, public health, medicine, 
psychology, and general science, as well as 
educational theory and practice, have all 
exerted dominating influences upon health 
education at different periods of its develop- 
ment. 

History and Present Status. The basic ob- 
jectives of health education in the public 
schools are not new. As early as 1850, due to 
the influence of Horace Mann, Massachu- 
setts made the teaching of physiology com- 



pulsory in its elementary schools. Boston, 
in 1894, organized the first regular system of 
medical inspection in the United States, a 
step which many of the largest cities followed 
within the next five years. The first school 
gymnasium was established in 1825, and. by 
1890 gymnastics had been quite generally 
introduced in the public schools. These 
steps mark the early stages in the develop- 
ment of the three major divisions of the 
school health program— health service, health 
education, and physical education— a pro- 
gram which is increasingly becoming inte- 
grated. This article will deal with only one 
of these divisions— health education. See also 
School Hygiene, Nutrition Work for 
Children, and Tuberculosis. For health 
education as carried on for the benefit of the 
general public see Health Education, Pop- 
ular. 

Until the era of industrialism, much in- 
formal health education came inherently 
from merely living in and with the family 
and community. Health habits and atti- 
tudes were based on customs which race ex- 
perience had proved useful with little knowl- 
edge of why they worked. Handed down 
from parents to children they changed little 
in several generations. With expanding in- 
dustrialism the environmental conditions 
surrounding child life altered rapidly and, 
at the same time, scientific research provided 
more and truer health knowledge. Social 
workers and public health workers were 
among the first to recognize the discrepan- 
cies which existed between this available 
health knowledge and the actual living 
practices of children. The thoughts of both 
groups turned toward childhood as the 
logical field for preventive work, and gradu- 
ally both realized that in the education of 
the child lay the solution of many public 
health and social problems. 

When the family as an economic agency 
was modified, its educative influence di- 
minished and the responsibility of the schools 
increased. The opportunity and need for 
health education in schools thus became ap- 
parent and was utilized. Many of the 



186 



Health Education in the Public Schools 



activities now accepted within schools as 
educational practices had their origin in the 
fields of social service or public health. Thus 
the first nutrition class was organized in 
1902 in Boston in connection with an out- 
patient department of a hospital, and the 
first milk lunches in this country were pro- 
vided as a relief measure in 1900 in sections 
of large cities where poverty and need were 
greatest. The Modern Health Crusade 
originated in 1904 in Illinois as a public 
health measure, specifically to reduce mor- 
tality from tuberculosis. It represents the 
first recognition of the necessity for enlisting 
child interest as an important factor in 
modifying child health behaviors. It was 
introduced on a national scale in 191 5 by the 
National Tuberculosis Association. Open- 
air classes and open window classes were 
also organized to provide a more favorable 
school environment for children predisposed 
to tuberculosis. 

These measures, first tried in school situa- 
tions for the purpose of alleviating condi- 
tions for physically and socially handicapped 
children, were soon recognized as basic hy- 
gienic measures favorable to child growth 
and development and therefore beneficial to 
all children. The underlying principles found 
their way into general classroom practice. 

Health instruction was stressed through 
laws enacted by many states making the 
teaching of physiology and hygiene com- 
pulsory. Some states even prescribed the 
content of the courses and the minimum time 
to be expended on them. By 1923 the sub- 
jects relating to health in which instruction 
was required in the elementary schools by 
state legislative enactments or by rulings of 
state boards of education were: hygiene, 
44 states; physiology, 42 states; scientific 
temperance, 33 states; effects of or preven- 
tion of tuberculosis, 2 states; communicable 
disease, 2 states; safety first, 5 states; and 
physical education, 26 states. Gradually, 
however, schools began to shift their empha- 
sis from mastery of abstract knowledge to 
practical application of principles of health- 
ful living. They attempted to equip children 



with healthful habits, attitudes, and sound 
information. After 19 18 this shift in em- 
phasis became very noticeable, and educa- 
tional attention to the importance of health 
education increased rapidly, probably 
through the influence of the promotional 
campaigns of voluntary agencies. All the 
child health demonstrations — community 
programs financed by the American Red 
Cross, American Child Health Association, 
Commonwealth Fund, or the Milbank 
Memorial Fund— included an educational 
program for school children. See Health 
Demonstrations. 

Physical education also has made great 
contributions to health education. The 
formalized program of gymnastic drills, 
aimed at the correction of postural defects 
and keeping children fit for their intellectual 
work, has been gradually supplanted by a 
program whose activities are determined by 
their inherent values for the normal growth 
and development of children. Play as an 
essential factor in education is almost uni- 
versally recognized. California initiated the 
first state-wide program of natural physical 
education in 19 18. Physical education was 
reported in 644 of 901 cities replying to a 
questionnaire of the United States Office of 
Education in 1923. In 1929, 36 states had 
laws concerning physical education, and 19 
states had state directors of physical educa- 
tion or health and physical education. 

Among the important events in the de- 
velopment of health education in the public 
schools are: the publication in 1909, by the 
National Society for the Study of Education, 
of a Year Book, Part I of which was devoted 
to Health and Education; the organization 
in 191 1 of the Joint Committee on Health 
Problems in Education by the National 
Education Association and the American 
Medical Association; the publication in 
19 18, by the United States Office of Educa- 
tion, of the first of its Health Education 
Series; the official recognition of health as a 
main objective of education in the report, 
issued in 19 18, of the Commission on the 
Reorganization of Secondary Education; 



187 



Health Education in the Public Schools 



and the publication, in 1924, of the report of 
the above-mentioned Joint Committee on 
Health Problems in Education, this being 
the first statement of principles and pro- 
cedures to be prepared in this field by an 
officially organized educational group. Of 
great significance also have been the series 
of conferences on health education arranged 
by the American Child Health Association. 
The first national conference, held in 1922 at 
Lake Mohonk, N. Y., was followed the next 
year by an international conference at San 
Francisco, which resulted in the creation of a 
health section in the World Federation of 
Education Associations. 

As a result of these diverse origins and in- 
fluences, health education may today be 
found in every stage of development, rang- 
ing from the formal textbook instruction 
prescribed by law for 20 minutes a week, to 
the school curriculum which recognizes 
health education as a 24-hour-a-day problem, 
and enlists the cooperation of the home and 
all community agencies. 

In the more progressive schools the trends 
in health education are toward making the 
total school life of the child a healthful ex- 
perience. Health (physical, mental, emo- 
tional, social) is an objective of education— 
a policy rather than a departmentalized sub- 
ject. The purpose is to provide in every 
school situation that type of educational ex- 
perience which will favorably modify health 
behavior, which will result in desirable atti- 
tudes, which will equip the individual with 
sound knowledge and judgment in relation 
to health matters and make him self-directive 
in healthful living. These aims are sought 
through an integrated curriculum, based on 
child needs, which enlists child interest, re- 
lates instruction to child experience, and 
correlates in the interest of a broader educa- 
tion all the contributions which various sub- 
jects and activities have made to individual, 
community, and racial health. Attention to 
curriculum building in health education is 
evidenced by the many new courses of study, 
both state and local, which have been pub- 
lished in the last six years, and the num- 



ber which are now in the process of construc- 
tion. 

There exists a wide range of administrative 
policies regarding supervisory responsibili- 
ties, a situation indicative of a stage of ex- 
perimentation and adjustment. Supervisors 
of health education are increasingly being 
employed in the larger cities. There is al- 
most universal recognition of the responsi- 
bility of the classroom teacher in the health 
program. The training of teachers for this 
field is receiving much attention both in 
teacher-training institutions and in extension 
courses for teachers-in-service. Many uni- 
versities are now providing graduate courses 
for those specializing in health education. 
The first master's degree in health education 
was conferred in 1922 by Teachers College, 
Columbia University. 

Developments and Events, 1Q2Q. During the 
year the Fifth Conference on Health Educa- 
tion was held at Sayville, Long Island, un- 
der the auspices of the American Child 
Health Association. The White House Con- 
ference on Child Health and Protection 
appointed a subcommittee on health educa- 
tion in the public schools, and one session 
was devoted to the subject by the Health 
Section of the World Federation of Educa- 
tion Associations meeting in Geneva, Switz- 
erland. During the year also a revision of 
its earlier report on health education was 
undertaken by the Joint Committee on 
Health Problems in Education. 

Consult: Joint Committee on Health Problems 
in Education of the National Education Associa- 
tion and the American Medical Association: 
Health Education — A Program for Public Schools 
and Teacher Training Institutions (National Educa- 
tion Association), revised, 1930; Chicago Health 
Education Conference: Report (American Child 
Health Association), June, 1925; Health Educa- 
tion Conference of 1929: School Health Progress 
(American Child Health Association), 1930; 
Rogers, James F.: Progress and Prospect in 
School Health Work (Office of Education, United 
States Department of the Interior, School Health 
Series No. 10), 1925; Wood and Lerrigo: Health 
Behavior, 1927; Brown, Maud A.: Teaching 



188 



Health Education, Popular 



Health in Fargo (Commonwealth Fund), 1929; 
American Child Health Association: Health 
Trends in Secondary Education, 1927. 

Anne L. Whitney 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 

HEALTH EDUCATION, POPULAR. The 
dominant characteristic of the modern 
public health movement is its emphasis on 
popular health education. This may be 
broadly defined as the act of making health 
information public by techniques which 
arouse, stimulate, and produce a motivation 
in regard to healthy living. Modern public 
health practice has shown how to prevent a 
large portion of sickness and premature 
deaths. The problem considered in this 
article is how to make this knowledge ac- 
cessible to the average man in terms which 
he can understand and make a part of his 
own living. (For methods of health educa- 
tion directed to the school child see Health 
Education in the Public Schools.) 
Workers in the field of public health 
have accepted the challenge. Publicity 
methods have gradually been developed to 
reach the people who need to benefit from 
scientific discoveries and health activities. 
The output has increased yearly and greater 
accuracy and effectiveness have been de- 
veloped. Much is still written which de- 
serves careful scrutiny, but much more is 
authentic and well prepared. The media 
available are numerous. Chief among them 
are newspapers, bulletins, folders, pamphlets, 
magazines, radio talks, motion pictures, 
exhibits, posters, and public addresses. 

Most public health agencies, official and 
voluntary, general and specialized, carry on 
educational publicity adapted either for 
adults or for children, or for both. At least 
36 state and 52 city departments, and hun- 
dreds of voluntary agencies, in addition to 
their other forms of publicity, issue bulletins 
regularly, usually monthly, on health topics. 
Several states and cities have also full-time 



directors of public health instruction outside 
the schools. Several divisions of the federal 
government, including the United States 
Public Health Service and the United 
States Children's Bureau, carry on extensive 
educational work, and the popular booklets 
which they publish have been widely circu- 
lated by state and local health agencies as 
well as directly from Washington. It is 
expected that the White House Conference 
on Child Health and Protection will have 
far-reaching influence in this field. Hygeia, 
published by the American Medical Associa- 
tion, and Everybody's Health, published by 
the Minnesota Public Health Association are 
excellent examples of popular health mag- 
azines. In the belief that Chautauqua 
circuits provide one of the best media for 
reaching the highest concentration of intelli- 
gence in the small town, the American Public 
Health Association, the National Tubercu- 
losis Association, 23 state health depart- 
ments, five Chautauqua circuits, and the 
Milbank Memorial Fund have cooperated 
in the organization of a Chautauqua health 
program. The venture, organized in the 
summer of 1928, has reached 375 communi- 
ties in 23 states. The estimated audiences at 
the public health lectures number 820,000. 
Many tangible results have been obtained. 

The celebration of May Day has become a 
means of focusing the interest of a nation 
upon its children. The publicity given to 
this program, developed by the American 
Child Health Association, has been com- 
mented on as evidence of the cooperation 
which magazines and newspapers give to an 
idea which holds within it a genuine appeal 
to popular sentiment. The "Child's Bill of 
Rights," which is the official document of 
May Day, has been used in school and com- 
munity programs, made the subject of edi- 
torials, the text of sermons, and embodied 
into the aims of health boards. The annual 
Negro Health Week is also observed in 
many communities and quite generally in 
the South. 

Among the voluntary agencies there are 
some eight health councils in cities and 



189 



Health Education, Popular 



several health committees of community 
chests or councils of social agencies which 
are active in this field. Through the health 
councils, carefully planned programs are 
developed, and groups are brought together 
in an effort to improve their general program 
of education. The national programs of the 
Young Men's Christian Associations and 
the Young Women's Christian Associations, 
of the Boy Scouts, Girl Scouts, and the Camp 
Fire Girls, among others include health 
activities and emphasize the importance of 
periodic physical examinations and follow-up. 
Public health agencies believe that pub- 
licity methods bring results. The Ameri- 
can Social Hygiene Association stated last 
year that about three-eighths of the Associa- 
tion's budget for the previous two years was 
for educational measures. A local maternity 
association spends about 12 per cent of its 
budget on educational publicity, aside from 
money-raising publicity. Several insurance 
companies have recognized the tragedy of 
unnecessary sickness and premature death 
and have adopted a policy which may be 
expressed in the slogan: "Insurance, not 
merely as a business proposition, but as a 
social program." The Metropolitan Life 
Insurance Company, John Hancock Mutual 
Life Insurance Company, Pilot Life Insur- 
ance Company, and the Travelers Insurance 
Company are among the leaders in this field. 
Hundreds of booklets dealing with prevent- 
able disease, child hygiene, personal hygiene, 
and community hygiene have been prepared 
for these companies, and millions of copies of 
their health pamphlets have been carried 
by their agents into the homes of policy- 
holders. Special health exhibits and motion 
pictures have played important parts in 
these programs. 

Developments and Events, 1929. During the 
year the United States Chamber of Com- 
merce, in its effort to enlist the cooperation 
of its membership in the conservation of life 
and health, inaugurated an inter-chamber 
health conservation contest in which over 100 
cities enrolled. This is similar in form to con- 



tests heretofore carried on successfully by 
the chamber in fire prevention. A campaign 
to reach eight million women with its mes- 
sage was conducted by the American Society 
for the Control of Cancer. It is noteworthy, 
since more women than men die of cancer, 
that leading national organizations of women 
cooperated. During April, for the second 
year, an early diagnosis campaign particu- 
larly directed against childhood tubercu- 
losis was conducted by the National Tuber- 
culosis Association and several hundred 
affiliated or cooperating agencies. Special 
efforts were directed toward influencing 
girls between 15 and 25 years of age— among 
whom the disease has not declined as rapidly 
as among other age and sex groups— to have 
complete physical examinations made and to 
observe health habits. Active interest was 
shown during the year by the New York 
Tuberculosis and Health Association, in 
cooperation with the associated out-patient 
clinics, in teaching health to clinic patients 
through the distribution of literature, use of 
lantern slides, and the arrangement of popu- 
lar talks. A special committee representing 
the five county medical societies in New 
York City was set up during the year to 
carry on a health examination campaign in 
the city. A medical information bureau was 
organized jointly by the New York Academy 
of Medicine and the Medical Society of 
New York County to facilitate the dissem- 
ination of reliable information of a medical 
character. The bureau checks the state- 
ments and statistics in copy submitted, in 
advance of publication, by editors and health 
agencies. In this way accuracy is insured 
and the claims of quacks are not given dan- 
gerous publicity. Finally, mention should be 
made of the "Texas Health Special of 1929," 
a device for carrying the health message to all 
parts of the state. An entire train was used, 
made up of two exhibit cars, two lecture 
cars, baggage car, diner and Pullman. Be- 
sides the train crew, there was usually a 
personnel of 12 or 15 trained physicians, 
sanitary engineers, and technicians who gave 
lectures and demonstrated health exhibits. 



190 



Heart Disease 



The train traveled more than 2,500 miles, 
visited 115 towns and cities, and reached 
70,000 people. 

Consult: Routzahn, Mary Swain and EvartG.: 
Publicity for Social Work, 1928; Galdston, Iago: 
Health Speakers Handbook, 1925; The American 
Public Health Association: Appraisal Form for 
City Health Work, 1929 edition (Includes sugges- 
tions for the quantitative evaluation of activities 
in this field); "Steps in Planning a Health Edu- 
cation and Publicity Program: a Symposium," in 
the American Journal of Public Health, May and 
June, 1929; Routzahn, Mary Swain and Evart 
G.: Supplement to Publicity Methods Reading List, 
1929; also issues of the American Journal of Public 
Health, Education and Publicity Section; and the 
News Bulletin of the Social Work Publicity 



Council. 



Ira V. Hiscock 



For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 



HEALTH FEDERATIONS. See Health 

Councils. 

HEART DISEASE stands at the peak of all 
causes of death in the United States registra- 
tion area, with a rate in 1928 of 207.7 P er 
100,000 of the population. If this continues, 
one out of every five persons living today 
will eventually die from heart disease, and for 
every death from heart disease in a given 
year, it is conservatively estimated that there 
are 10 persons who are living impaired and 
deficient lives because of a breakdown of the 
heart function. 

In the past, heart disease has been con- 
sidered as an ailment of old age because 
the majority of deaths which it causes occur 
after 50; yet this disease is as important in 
early life as many diseases commonly asso- 
ciated with childhood and youth. Only 
about 12 per cent of the cases develop in 
persons over 40 years of age; approximately 
75 per cent originate in children under 10, 
and among children from 10 to 14 heart 
disease is the main cause of death. From 
studies made in Philadelphia, Boston, Chi- 

13 I 



cago, and New York the index as to the inci- 
dence of organic heart disease in children is 
shown to be approximately 7 per 1,000. 
Records of social agencies show that heart 
disease is a primary factor in dependency, 
but encouragement to organized activities for 
persons with this handicap is offered by the 
demonstration that through rehabilitation 
processes and vocational training and guid- 
ance many can be helped to earn their living 
in employment which will not aggravate 
their disease. 

The principal causes of heart disease are: 
acute or chronic infectious diseases, particu- 
larly rheumatic fever and syphilis; arterio- 
sclerosis; and arterial hypertension, com- 
monly known as high blood pressure. The 
contributory factors are intoxications, in- 
fections, and poisons of various sorts, bad 
personal hygiene, and improper methods of 
living. 

Acute rheumatism, which is the chief cause 
of heart disease in early life, is caused pre- 
sumably by a germ which may gain entrance 
to the body through diseased tonsils, teeth or 
adenoids. It follows, therefore, that ade- 
quate care of the teeth and medical and 
surgical attention to diseased tonsils or 
adenoids will ward off one source of infec- 
tion. Rheumatism itself should always be 
followed by a long period of convalescence. 
The cause of syphilis is known; its preven- 
tion is relatively easy and its cure possible. 
Arteriosclerosis is a degenerative disease of 
the arteries, a characteristic disease of ad- 
vancing years. Although the cause is not 
definitely known, its progress may be re- 
tarded by living hygienically. Possibly the 
most valuable preventive measure is the 
habit of having a regular medical examina- 
tion, since heart disease may often be en- 
tirely cured or at least arrested if taken at an 
early stage. 

Children with damaged hearts should be 
classified according to the degree that their 
physical capacity is limited. They may re- 
main in ordinary school classes, but a special 
effort should be made to build up the natural 
resistance to infection in order to prevent 



91 



Heart Disease 



further injury. School authorities should 
encourage cardiac children of adequate in- 
telligence to continue their education beyond 
the elementary grades, since much of the 
work of the uneducated and unskilled is 
heavy physical labor and therefore unsuited 
to people with heart disease. 

History and Present Status. In 1922 at St. 
Louis, a national organization, now called 
the American Heart Association, was formed 
for the purpose of research, coordination of 
effort, and popular education. It aims to 
assist in the development of new cardiac 
centers and to arouse the public to its respon- 
sibility in combating heart disease. It has 
compiled a nomenclature for cardiac diag- 
nosis; also criteria for classification and 
diagnosis. Besides other educational mate- 
rial, it supplies motion picture films on heart 
disease, health exhibits, and field service for 
heart committees and cardiac clinics through- 
out the country. In order that physicians 
with training and experience in heart work 
may be available for cardiac clinics, addi- 
tional graduate courses, such as are now 
successfully being carried on in Boston, 
New York, California, and Missouri, are 
urged. Convalescent care for adults and 
children has received much attention, since 
this form of care has been found to rank next 
in effectiveness to out-patient cardiac clinics. 
Vocational training is promoted under both 
public and private auspices, so that boys and 
girls handicapped by heart disease may be 
taught to earn their livelihood. Provision is 
made for chronic hospital care where neces- 
sary. Statistical, medical, and social re- 
search is stimulated, and scientific data on 
cardiac diseases are published in the Ameri- 
can Heart Journal. The Association is com- 
posed of 809 individual members and 34 
constituent local or state organizations, in- 
cluding four state-wide heart associations (in 
Iowa, Pennsylvania, Minnesota, and Flor- 
ida); one regional association (the New 
England Heart Association); and five local 
heart associations (in Chicago, Harrisburg, 
Philadelphia, St. Louis, and Los Angeles). 



There are 24 heart committees working in 
conjunction with state and county medical 
societies, departments of health, tubercu- 
losis associations, and such state-wide agen- 
cies as the State Charities Aid Association 
of New York. It is estimated that approxi- 
mately 5,000,000 persons are reached through 
the educational publicity of the association 
and organizations affiliated with it. 

There are approximately 210 cardiac 
clinics in the United States and Canada, 
with about 10,000 patients in attendance, 
also a few sheltered workshops, under private 
auspices, exclusively for cardiac cases. It has 
been found from surveys in some of the large 
cities that it is usually unnecessary to have 
special cardiac classes in public schools, 
but the systematic registration of cardiac 
pupils in the public schools is essential and 
they should be classified according to the 
degrees of functional capacity worked out 
by the American Heart Association. 

Developments and Events, igig. The most 
significant events of the year were the follow- 
ing: the organization of two new heart com- 
mittees, connected with tuberculosis and 
public health associations, and one local 
heart association; the establishment of 19 
new cardiac clinics in 16 different cities; 
the addition of a field worker to the staff of 
the national association; the appointment of 
committees of that association to carry on 
research on the heart and the aorta; and 
to study the standardization of digitalis; 
the conducting of special studies in 18 cities, 
chiefly under local auspices; the establish- 
ment in Chicago of the Emil and Fannie 
Wedeles Fund for the study of diseases of the 
heart and circulation, and the Morris Fish- 
bein, Jr., Fund for research on rheumatic 
heart disease. 

Consult: Hart, T. Stuart: Taking Care of Your 
Heart, 1924; the following pamphlets published 
in 1928 by the American Heart Association: 
Advice to Those Who Have Arteriosclerosis or 
High Blood Pressure, Advice on Marriage and 
Pregnancy to Those with Heart Disease, Advice to 
Those Who Have Rheumatic Heart Disease, Ad- 



192 



Hiking 



vice to Those Who Have Syphilitic Heart Disease, 
Heart Disease and Its Prevention, What is Heart 
Disease? Heart Disease and School Life, and 
Problems in the Prevention and Relief of Heart 
Disease; and issues of the Bulletin of the Ameri- 
can Heart Association, and of the American 
Heart Journal. 

I. C. RlGGIN 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. 

HEBREW CHARITIES. See Jewish So- 
cial Work. 



HIKING is a soldier's slang word brought 
back, it is reported, from the Philippines 
30 years ago. It is now an organized form of 
recreation and has developed a literature of 
maps, guidebooks, and schedules quite like 
that of other forms of American life. The 
activity is evidently a throwback to pioneer 
times, when most travel was on foot for ex- 
ploration, hunting, warfare, or other pur- 
poses. Most walking at present is for pleas- 
ure or recreation. 

History and Present Status. Organized hik- 
ing as represented in the scores of clubs 
throughout the country is a development of 
the past 30 years— the period which has 
witnessed the invention and perfection of the 
automobile, and the transformation of 
highways to meet the demand for good 
roads. Before the days of the automobile 
most country roads were pleasant for hikers; 
walkers now find them unsafe. The result 
has been the development of trail systems 
by private and public agencies, and the dis- 
covery, first by necessity and later for the 
satisfaction of latent pioneering instincts, of 
walkers' routes through field and forest, and 
in mountain and wilderness regions. 

Park and forest agencies, both natural and 
state, have done much to provide trails for 
walkers, but an equal amount has been done 
by clubs and associations, at their own ex- 
pense and in many cases with a large amount 
of volunteer labor. Notable examples of 
trail systems constructed by such private 



agencies, with the sanction of the public agen- 
cies concerned, are those of the Appalachian 
Mountain and Green Mountain Clubs in New 
England; the Adirondack Mountain Club 
in New York; and an association of walking 
clubs of the New York City-Northern New 
Jersey district in the Bear Mountain-Harri- 
man State Park. The most ambitious proj- 
ect of this kind, launched 10 years ago and 
now well under way, is the Appalachian 
Trail, a footpath for hikers from Maine to 
Georgia. This trail is being developed 
largely by clubs and individuals, and is sup- 
ported with the cooperation of national and 
state park agencies in regions under public 
control. Walking and climbing clubs tend 
to amplify their schedules yearly, to offer 
outdoor programs in larger numbers and of 
greater variety, and to make their activities 
cover the entire twelve months. Many 
clubs have compiled excellent guidebooks of 
regions in which they are particularly in- 
terested. 

While much of the activity here noted is of 
a self-supporting character, its permanent 
results, in the form of trails, shelters, guides, 
and maps, are available and highly service- 
able to organizations of a philanthropic 
character which are convenient to regions 
made accessible for walkers. Some of these 
organizations maintain camps in public 
preserves or on private sites, and hiking 
trips are arranged from these as centers. 

Consult: The Mountain Magazine, published 
by the Associated Outdoor Clubs of America. 
Guides and maps published by the National Park 
Service and Forest Service; maps of the United 
States Geological Survey, and of many state 
geological commissions, and regional guide books 
published by hiking clubs. 

Raymond H. Torrey 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 

HI-Y CLUBS. See Young Men's Chris- 
tian Associations under Youth Ser- 
vice Associations. 



193 



Home Economics 



HOME AND SCHOOL VISITORS. 
Visiting Teachers. 



HOME ECONOMICS. The purpose of 
home economics is to improve the quality 
of living in the home, the institutional 
household and the community by the 
application of systematized knowledge. Its 
field includes subjects of major concern 
to family life: food and nutrition, textiles 
and clothing, the house, family finances, and 
the family and its relationships. Persons 
trained in home economics are employed 
in schools and universities as teachers of 
the subjects mentioned; by hospitals and 
other institutions as dietitians and teachers 
of dietetics; by family welfare agencies as 
nutrition workers and home economists; 
by federal and state governments, in coopera- 
tion, as home demonstration agents or club 
leaders under the Cooperative Extension 
Work of the United States Department of 
Agriculture, or as teachers of vocational 
home economics under the Federal Board for 
Vocational Education. See Visiting House- 
keepers and Home Economists; Nutri- 
tion Work for Children; Family Bud- 
gets; and Rural Social Work. See also, 
in Part II, Extension Service, United 
States Department of Agriculture. 

Departments of Home Economics in some 
colleges and teacher-training institutions 
maintain nursery schools or laboratories for 
research in child development. The Ameri- 
can Home Economics Association has been 
the recipient of a grant which has made pos- 
sible a center for nursery school education, 
research, and student and parent training. 
That Association is also cooperating with 
other agencies in the work of the National 
Council of Parent Education. See Nursery 
Schools; Parent Education; and Child 
Development Research. 

HOME-FINDING. See Dependent and 
Neglected Children. 

HOME RECREATION has taken its place 
in recent years as part of the program pro- 



See moted by municipal departments of recrea- 
tion and by several private recreational 
agencies. The home play program aims: 
(a) to encourage provision of adequate space 
and facilities for the play of children at 
home, and to discourage the use for that pur- 
pose of public streets and other dangerous 
places; (b) to center the attention of parents 
on the importance of playing with their chil- 
dren; and (c) to provide attractive programs 
of social activities for adults as well as chil- 
dren in the home and in connection with 
neighborhood life. 

Possibly the greatest contribution to home 
recreation has come from the National Rec- 
reation Association and from municipal 
recreation departments, and the greatest 
stimulus from such organizations as the Na- 
tional Congress of Parents and Teachers, the 
General Federation of Women's Clubs, and 
the "4-H clubs" of the United States De- 
partment of Agriculture. Municipal and 
private recreation systems have stimulated 
the growth of home play in numerous ways: 
through their information service with sug- 
gestions for home play; through regularly 
broadcasting directions for games, handi- 
crafts, and other activities; through classes 
on home recreation for parents and children; 
and through the loaning of party kits for 
family play in the home. 

In addition many departments of recrea- 
tion print pamphlets and bulletins, with sug- 
gestions for building home play equipment, 
and plans for the layout of back yards and 
playrooms. They also organize contests 
and hold exhibits in relation to home play- 
ground apparatus and layouts, encourage 
home gardens, and promote home play 
weeks for the purpose of fostering family 
play. 

Public recreation directors have featured 
home gardens through community flower 
shows, to which only home garden products 
are admitted, and through bulb, seed, and 
plant exchanges. They also give instruc- 
tions on such subjects as the care and keeping 
of pets. 

The year 1929 showed a marked increase 



194 



Homeless Persons 



in facilities for recreation in apartment 
houses, either in outside grounds, indoor 
playrooms and auditoriums, or roof play- 
grounds. There were more interblock play- 
grounds set aside in real estate develop- 
ments, and more recreation leaders were 
employed by the owners of large apartment 
buildings. 

Among the many agencies contributing 
to the enrichment of home recreation — 
although their main purpose is not primarily 
recreational— are those described in this 
volume under Scouting and Related Or- 
ganizations and Rural Organization of 
Recreation. 

Consult: Forbush, W. B., and Allen, H. R.: 
The Book of Games for Home, School, and Play- 
ground, 1927; Garrison, Charlotte G.: Permanent 
Play Material for Young Children, 1926; National 
Recreation Association: Home Play, 1928; and 
Bancroft, Jessie: Games for the Playground, Home, 
School, and Gymnasium, 19 14. 

J. W. Faust 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 



HOMELESS PERSONS. In no field of 
social work are lone hands played more 
generally or more consistently than in the 
care and treatment of the homeless. The 
difficulty of developing a constructive pro- 
gram is so great that the subject has never 
received the attention it deserves. The 
problem is primarily that of the homeless 
man. The number of unattached women is 
small, and they ordinarily have greater possi- 
bilities of self-maintenance, either legitimate 
and conventional or illegitimate and anti- 
social. The homeless family has received 
increased attention with the development 
of the automobile migrant. Although that 
problem at present is extremely difficult, 
because children are involved, it is a less 
elusive problem than that of the individual 
man. It is also less extensive. 

The single man who wanders from place 
to place and supports himself by seasonal 



or casual labor is, to a large degree, an un- 
fortunate social product of our modern in- 
dustrial system, but he ordinarily presents 
no problems to the social agencies of the 
country. The usual client of those agencies 
is the man who is never content to remain 
long in any community or on any job, or 
who is unable to hold the jobs offered him. 
The greatest obstacle to constructive efforts 
in this field is the ease with which an indi- 
vidual may pass from one community to 
another, baffling the case worker or the city 
missionary who has no power to detain him 
short of sheer personal appeal. 

History and Present Status. The agencies in 
most communities which care for the home- 
less are travelers' aid societies, family wel- 
fare societies, the Salvation Army, Volun- 
teers of America, city rescue missions, and 
lodging houses under either public or private 
auspices. The two agencies first named 
emphasize social case work in their services, 
while the Salvation Army, Volunteers, and 
missions place greater stress on the religious 
appeal as a means of individual reconstruc- 
tion. Lodging houses generally make efforts 
to obtain employment for their clients, in 
addition to providing food and lodging. 
Many have case workers employed, or have 
arrangements with other agencies through 
which case work or religious help may be 
given. 

Traditionally the three groups of agencies 
mentioned are far apart in their points of 
view. Cooperative programs, either national 
or local, have therefore been difficult to de- 
velop. Through councils of social agencies 
and otherwise many communities have 
organized committees for dealing with the 
situation cooperatively, but little was done 
prior to 1921 to unite the efforts of one com- 
munity with those of another. In that year 
the Family Welfare Association of America 
appointed a Committee on the Homeless. 
It approached its task first from the national 
standpoint, and organized a conference in 
which the interested national agencies were 
brought together. At that time it was 



195 



Homework in Industry 



assumed by many that local programs were 
futile, because the work could be handled in 
a completely satisfactory manner only if 
organized on a national scale. Gradually, 
however, it became recognized that the prob- 
lem is both a national and a local one, and 
that local consciousness and local planning 
must precede that which is organized on 
state, regional, or national lines. Acting on 
this basis, the committee referred to has in 
recent years placed its chief emphasis upon 
the importance of local cooperation in the 
place where each homeless problem arises. 
Encouragement and stimulation have been 
given to local cooperative programs, infor- 
mation being assembled concerning them and 
placed at the service of all interested com- 
munities. 

Committees, councils, or cooperative 
groups, as distinguished from individual 
agencies engaged in work for the homeless, 
are now organized in the following cities: 
New York, Philadelphia, Cleveland, St. 
Louis, Baltimore, Los Angeles, San Fran- 
cisco, Washington, Cincinnati, Seattle, 
Louisville, Richmond, Memphis, Albany, 
Wilmington, Reading, and Charleston. By 
means of questionnaires, informal discus- 
sions, and subcommittee assignments, these 
local committees have endeavored to attain 
a better understanding of their problems, 
and to merge and harmonize the varying 
and often conflicting points of view presented 
by their constituent agencies. 

The extent to which the homeless in a 
large city require care and service is indi- 
cated in the latest report of the Transient 
Service Bureau of Cincinnati. Nearly 
6,800 men were registered, for 200 of whom 
positions were obtained; 17 were returned 
to their homes, and 128 given medical treat- 
ment through the Bureau's own clinic. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. During the 
year the Welfare Council of New York City 
developed a plan for demonstrating the pos- 
sibility and value of social case work with 
homeless men. A five-year demonstration 
was decided upon and the needed funds 



obtained. A case worker is to be placed 
in each of the agencies where care is given 
to the homeless. A significant develop- 
ment in Cincinnati was that connected 
with the Transient Service Bureau, already 
mentioned. That Bureau, which is the out- 
growth of cooperative planning under pri- 
vate auspices, was transferred during the 
year to the Department of Public Welfare. 
During the year, also, there was a noticeable 
continuation of the slow and halting move- 
ment of recent years toward greater use of 
case work methods, and toward the policy 
of placing local leadership in this matter 
in the hands of the Travelers Aid Society or 
some other well-equipped case work agency. 

Consult: Lilliefors, Manfred, Jr.: "Social Case 
Work and the Homeless Man," in The Family, 
January, 1929; and Bruno, Frank J.: "Principles 
of Case Work Involved in the Treatment of Nton- 
Resident and Transient Families," in The Family, 
July, 1929. 

Malcolm S. Nichols 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 

HOMEWORK IN INDUSTRY, known 
also as "tenement house work" or the 
"sweating system," usually refers to work 
done in a tenement or dwelling house— by 
members of the family whose home it is or 
by others coming there to work— on goods 
furnished by the employer, who merely 
contracts to have the specified processes 
completed. There are no reliable figures 
as to the total number of homes into which 
work is sent or numbers of persons doing it. 
In Pennsylvania, for 1927, approximately 
12,000 homeworkers were reported; in New 
York, for 1928, 12,887. The federal Chil- 
dren's Bureau found in 1928 that in Newark, 
N. J., among 459 families interviewed there 
were 849 children under 16 who had done 
homework, and in six other New Jersey 
communities, among 169 families, there were 
282 children under 16 who had been so em- 
ployed. Almost one-fourth of these children 



196 



Homework in Industry 



were under 10 years of age and almost four- 
fifths were under 14. 

Homework industries do not appear to 
vary greatly from one part of the country to 
another. In every state for which reports 
are available the garment industry furnishes 
an important part of the work. I n New York 
State tenement house work on infants' or 
children's clothing and on dolls is prohibited 
entirely. Homework on these articles is re- 
ported, however, from other states. Dress 
accessories, such as neckwear, hosiery, 
gloves, handkerchiefs, are widely reported; 
also work on tags, carding buttons, safety 
pins, and so forth; and work on paper boxes 
and lampshades; in short, any kind of hand 
work from the simplest and most monoto- 
nous to that which benefits by the Old 
World skills of expert needlewomen. Out- 
side of New York, where legal prohibition 
holds, homework on foodstuffs is still carried 
on. Skinning onions or fish, shelling nuts, 
and stripping tobacco are reported. 

The dangers of homework are: (a) the 
transmission of communicable diseases to 
consumers by means of articles so made; 

(b) undercutting of the standards of living 
of organized factory workers by homeworkers 
whose isolated position makes them much 
less capable of refusing inadequate wages; 

(c) the difficulty of regulating the hours of 
labor of women, and of prohibiting or regu- 
lating the employment of children, even when 
labor laws are made applicable to homework. 

History and Present Status. The first move- 
ment for legal control in this field related to 
the manufacture of cigars in tenement houses 
in New York City. This may have been 
due in part to the fact that cigarmaking, 
carried on by immigrants in the most un- 
sanitary tenements, was recognized as par- 
ticularly injurious both to workers and to 
consumers of the product. It was mainly, 
however, because these homeworkers were 
competing with skilled factory workers in 
one of the most strongly organized groups 
in the country, the International Cigar 
Makers' Union. Public interest was ac- 



cordingly aroused, and the first state law 
relating to tenement house manufacture was 
passed in 1883. That law, passed three years 
before the first factory act of the state, is 
believed to be the first in any country con- 
cerning homework. It prohibited work on 
cigars in New York City. Almost imme- 
diately it was declared unconstitutional on 
technical grounds and a new law, correcting 
the earlier errors, was passed in 1884. This 
second law came before the New York Court 
of Appeals in the well known Jacobs case 
(98 N. Y. 98) in which the court again denied 
the constitutionality of the act but this time 
on the ground that while it was ostensibly a 
health measure, it did not actually relate to 
public health and was therefore an unwar- 
ranted interference with property rights. In 
1891 Massachusetts, nevertheless, passed "an 
act to prevent the manufacture and sale of 
clothing made in unhealthy places," and a per- 
iod of extensive interest in problems of home- 
work and means of dealing with them fol- 
lowed. 

Laws relating to the subject exist at pres- 
ent in 15 states. Some of these prohibit 
anyone except members of the family from 
doing homework in tenements or dwelling 
houses. Generally, in the 10 states 1 having 
such provisions, prohibition applies only to 
specified articles. In New York, however, 
since 191 3, all homework is prohibited except 
by members of the family, but this law ap- 
plies only to houses in which three or more 
families are living separately, while the law 
in other states applies to one-family and two- 
family houses as well. Laws of the second 
type, existing in 13 states, 2 cover the inspec- 
tion and licensing of houses where homework 
is legally permitted, and the licensing of per- 
sons giving out homework. A third type of 
legislation, existing only in New York State, 
completely prohibits the manufacture in tene- 

1 Illinois, Indiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, 
Michigan, Missouri, New York, Ohio, Pennsyl- 
vania, Tennessee. 

2 California, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, 
Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, 
New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, 
Wisconsin. 



197 



Homework in Industry 



ments of any article of infants' or children's 
clothing, dolls or dolls' clothing, or food. 

Within the past 10 years three states- 
California and Oregon under their general 
powers to regulate the wages of women and 
children, and Wisconsin by specific amend- 
ment to its homework law— have tried to 
regulate the rate of wages paid for home- 
work. In California the Industrial Commis- 
sion which administers the law has been 
hampered by lack of funds; in Wisconsin 
definite improvement has resulted; and in 
Oregon it is felt that by this means home- 
work has been prevented from gaining a foot- 
hold. Despite such progress, the extremely 
low earning power of homeworkers con- 
tinues to be the most serious problem con- 
nected with this subject. In 1929 the 
Bureau of Women in Industry of the New 
York State Department of Labor published 
a study, Some Social and Economic Aspects 
of Homework, in which it reports that 83 
per cent of the homeworkers studied were 
working to supplement an inadequate family 
income, 13 per cent worked for extra spend- 
ing money, and 4 per cent depended on 
homework earnings as their sole income. 
The median earnings in the usual week were 
$6.19, and in the maximum week $9.46. 
Half of the women worked irregular hours, 
three-fourths at least four hours a day, and 
1 1 per cent nine hours or more. Sixty-nine 
per cent of the women worked at night. 

In spite of the difficulties and drawbacks 
connected with this type of industry, two 
facts must be kept in mind in considering 
any program for dealing with it. First, there 
seem to be groups of people for whom the 
conditions of factory production are emi- 
nently unsuited yet who benefit, either 
psychologically, economically, or both, by 
the opportunity to work. Such are the 
physically handicapped— the blind, crip- 
pled, cardiacs— and those handicapped by 
old age. In a somewhat similar position are 
women with small children or with other 
homebound dependents. All of these con- 
stitute a group whose position might be 
greatly improved if the country were to 



adopt the stand of Wisconsin. The indus- 
trial commission there "is not opposed to 
homework, but insists that the rate paid 
should be adequate." Second, it is well to 
remember that legal regulation or prohibition 
of the products which may be made in homes 
has always been on the basis of protection of 
public health. Consequently, statutes which 
have gone beyond that point could not be 
expected to stand. 

Developments and Events, iQ2g. There were 
no important changes in any state law regu- 
lating homework during the year. Pennsyl- 
vania (Ch. 233) repealed an old act of 1895 
which had presumably been already super- 
seded by the homework regulations of its Code 
of 1923. In New Jersey (Ch. 158) the establish- 
ment of a Bureau for Women and Children, 
with special field investigators, made possible 
the inspection of homes to which work is taken. 

Consult: Association of Governmental Labor 
Officials: Report of the Committee on Industrial 
Homework (Bureau of Labor Statistics, United 
States Department of Labor, Bulletin No. 455), 
1927; Kelley, Florence: Some Ethical Gains 
Through Legislation, Chapters VI and VII and 
Appendix IV, 1905; New York State Factory 
Investigating Commission: Reports of 19 12, 191 3, 
and 191 5; Massachusetts Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics and Amy Hewes: Industrial Homework in 
Massachusetts in 1915; Children's Bureau, 
United States Department of Labor: Child Labor 
in New Jersey, Part 2, Children Engaged in Indus- 
trial Home Work, No. 185, 1928; Pennsylvania 
Department of Labor and Industry: Industrial 
Homework in Pennsylvania, 1921, and Industrial 
Homework and Child Labor, 1926; New York 
State Department of Labor: Some Social and 
Economic Aspects of Home Work (Special Bulletin 
No. 158), 1929, and Homework in the Men's 
Clothing Industry in New York and Rochester, 
1926; Colson, Myra H.: "Negro Homeworkers 
in Chicago," in Social Service Review, September, 
1928; and New York State Department of Labor: 
Report on Manufacturing in Tenements, 1924. 

Frieda S. Miller 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 



198 



Hospital Care 



HOSPITAL CARE. The hospital stands 
today as the one agency in the community 
in which the physician can find all of the 
many aids which science has supplied for his 
use in rendering prompt, adequate, and com- 
petent service to the sick and injured. Its 
organization is a complex and intricate one, 
calling for careful and efficient administra- 
tors who can organize its functions so that 
any or all of them may at short notice be 
brought into action for the benefit of the 
patient. 

Experience has shown that certain types 
of patients can best be cared for in separate 
institutions, but the size of a community 
may make it necessary that they be grouped 
in one hospital. Facilities are required for 
acutely ill patients; for those afflicted 
with acute communicable diseases; for those 
afflicted with chronic illnesses; for the con- 
valescent. Special institutions are neces- 
sary for certain diseases, such as tubercu- 
losis and mental and nervous disorders. 
When the size of the community warrants it, 
separate hospitals for children, for maternity 
patients, for orthopedic cases, for eye, ear, 
nose and throat patients, and for other 
special groups offer many advantages. 

While each community will have peculiar 
needs and will therefore require individual 
study, in the usual industrial American 
community a ratio of five hospital beds for 
each 1,000 of population will provide ade- 
quate facilities for the general group of 
acutely ill patients. For acute communi- 
cable diseases a ratio of five beds for each 
10,000 of population is recommended. For 
the treatment of tuberculosis the basis for 
calculation generally used has been one bed 
for each death from that disease. This 
ratio has not, however, provided adequate 
facilities in all instances. In rural districts 
such factors as distance to larger communi- 
ties, transportation facilities, customs of 
local medical practice, morbidity statistics, 
and the economic status of the population 
must be studied. 

In recent years special attention has been 
called to the cost of hospital care, and criti- 



cism has often been directed at these insti- 
tutions. But though hospital costs have in- 
creased, the efficiency of service has been 
materially improved. The average length 
of a patient's stay in the hospital has been 
reduced from 20 to 11 or 12 days during the 
last 20 years, and mortality records have also 
shown great improvement. The entire ques- 
tion of the cost of medical care, of which 
hospital care is an important part, is now 
being studied by a national committee 
organized for that purpose. See Cost of 
Medical Care. 

Hospitals classify patients as "free" — 
those who are served gratuitously; "part- 
pay"— those who are charged less than the 
average per patient day cost, and "pay"— 
those who are charged the full cost or more 
than cost of service. The economic status of 
patients in the first class is usually investi- 
gated in order to determine their eligibility 
for free service. Patients are often placed in 
the second group on the advice of attending 
physicians. An increasing number of hos- 
pitals, however, are instituting financial 
investigations in order to fix eligibility for all 
service given at less than cost. Inasmuch as 
these two groups of patients frequently 
make up a large percentage of the hospital 
clientele, they present serious problems and 
account for the financial deficits experienced 
by many institutions. 

The hospital system of the United States 
has undergone a great development and ex- 
pansion during the last 50 or 60 years. While 
there were but 149 hospitals with 34,453 
beds in the country in 1873, a survey made 
by The Modern Hospital showed that in 
1928 there were 7,269 hospitals, excluding 
those of 10 beds and less, with 864,697 
patients' beds. This is inclusive of general 
hospitals, sanatoria, hospitals in allied in- 
stitutions, surgical and industrial hospitals, 
and those for specified diseases or classes of 
patients— children, convalescents, mater- 
nity cases, contagious and infectious dis- 
eases, tuberculosis, skin diseases and cancer, 
eye, ear, nose and throat diseases, and 
mental and nervous diseases. There are al- 



Hospital Care 



most as many beds in hospitals for mental 
and nervous patients as in all others com- 
bined. These figures indicate that there is 
one hospital bed for every 221 inhabitants in 
the country. The facilities are not, how- 
ever, evenly distributed and in some sections 
they are woefully lacking. The survey 
showed that 20.8 per cent of all hospitals 
were in cities of over 100,000 population, 
while 51.7 per cent were in towns of 10,000 
population or less; that 29.7 per cent of all 
hospital beds were in the large cities, while 
42.2 per cent were in the semi-rural or small 
towns. The average size of hospitals has 
shown a decline. In 1873 there was an 
average of 238 beds, while in 1928 the average 
was 125. Hospitals of 40 beds or less con- 
stituted 47.5 per cent of the total, and 74.2 
per cent had less than 100 beds each. This 
indicates the tendency since the World War 
to establish hospitals in the small towns and 
rural districts. 

Because of the demands of modern medi- 
cine physicians require the aid of X-ray, 
clinical laboratories, and other non-portable 
and expensive equipment, and the service of 
skilled nurses and technicians. It is chiefly 
through the development of hospital and 
health centers in the rural districts that such 
facilities and assistants can be made avail- 
able and the benefits of modern science be 
brought to the less densely populated sec- 
tions of the country. The work of the Com- 
monwealth Fund, through its Rural Hos- 
pital Division and that of the Duke Endow- 
ment, has demonstrated the value of the 
small hospital to the rural district. The in- 
fluence of their activities will be far reaching 
and of great assistance in solving the rural 
health problem and in improving the present 
faulty distribution of physicians and nurses. 
See Health Demonstrations and Public 
Health, Local Agencies. 

In 1928 there were 877,075 beds in hos- 
pitals of all sizes. Of these, 425,122 beds 
were in institutions caring for chronic 
diseases — chiefly nervous and mental — and 
for convalescents. The remaining 451,953 
beds, in hospitals of the general class, were 



estimated to have an average occupancy of 
67 per cent. In such hospitals there were, 
therefore, an average of 149,145 unoccupied 
beds. It must be remembered, however, 
that this is an average. Since there is a 
considerable seasonal variation in the de- 
mand for hospital facilities, on many days 
in the year there are, in all probability, com- 
paratively few vacant beds. An average 
occupancy of 80 per cent is regarded by 
hospital authorities as indicating full use, 
and a higher average occupancy usually 
means overcrowding at certain seasons. 

It has also been shown that hospitals 
average approximately nine employes for 
each ten beds. On the basis of the figures 
cited, therefore, it is indicated that the total 
daily population of these institutions, in- 
cluding both patients and personnel, approxi- 
mates 1,474,781 persons. Statisticians have 
estimated that ten million persons are ad- 
mitted as resident patients each year. 

Hospitals in increasing numbers are 
establishing out-patient departments. The 
figures for 1928 indicate that there were 
more than 4,000 such general and special 
clinics serving ambulatory patients and that 
about eight million persons received treat- 
ment in them. This development has taken 
place almost entirely since 1900, for prior 
to that year there were very few out-patient 
departments in existence. See Clinics 
and Out-Patient Departments. 

Beds for convalescent care in sanatoria 
and convalescent homes numbered only 
slightly over 7,000 at the end of 1928. This 
phase of hospital care, as well as that having 
to do with the care and treatment of chronic 
diseases, is receiving much more attention 
than formerly. As the importance of these 
phases of hospital care is becoming evident 
to the health workers and to the public, a 
marked increase in both institutions and 
beds is to be expected. See Convalescent 
Care and Chronic Diseases. 

The increase since 19 10 in the number of 
social service departments has been very 
marked. In the absence of definite data, 
statistics cannot be given, but the influence 



200 



Hospital Care 



of social service work on the care of the 
patient has been a very pronounced and 
beneficial one. See Hospital Social Work. 

The activities of the several national hos- 
pital associations, especially those of the 
American Hospital Association, have re- 
dounded to the benefit of the hospitals of 
America, and their influence has also been 
felt in many foreign countries. While their 
activities lie mainly in the field of administra- 
tion, organization, construction and equip- 
ment, they have been of material assistance 
in advising hospitals concerning the most 
recent developments and have aided them 
in keeping abreast of the advances in medi- 
cal science. The "standardization program" 
of the American College of Surgeons has also 
been of great value in that it has materially 
improved professional service in the hos- 
pital, and has thereby increased the insti- 
tution's efficiency. 

The Council on Medical Education and 
Hospitals of the American Medical Associa- 
tion through its inspection and approval of 
hospitals for interne service has likewise 
contributed greatly to the improvement and 
development of these agencies. The estab- 
lishment in Chicago by the American Con- 
ference on Hospital Service of the Hospital 
Library Bureau, which in 1929 was taken 
over and continued by the American Hos- 
pital Association, was one of the major de- 
velopments of the last 10 years. Through 
this library a wealth of literature on all 
subjects related to hospitals has been made 
available to the entire field. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. The out- 
standing event of the year was the meeting 
of the first International Congress on Hos- 
pital Service, held in Atlantic City in June. 
A permanent organization was effected and 
provision was made for future assemblies. 
The American Conference on Hospital 
Service devoted an entire day to a discussion 
of convalescent care at the Annual Congress 
on Medical Education and Hospitals, held 
under the auspices of the American Medical 
Association in Chicago in February. The 



Columbia University Medical Center in 
New York City— consisting of hospitals, 
dispensary, and medical, dental, and nursing 
schools— was the largest single develop- 
ment of the year. It is also the largest and 
most complete unit of its kind in existence, 
and is representative of the modern trend 
in hospitals and in medical education. 

Among the studies in progress during the 
year were a survey of hospitals in Port- 
land, Ore.; a study of hospital costs in Grand 
Rapids, Mich., under the auspices of the 
Welfare Union; a study of hospital care for 
chronic cases in Maryland; and health and 
hospital surveys in Washington, D. C, and 
in Philadelphia. 

Legislation, IQ2Q. Among the many laws 
enacted during the year in relation to hospi- 
tals, the following may be regarded as the 
more significant: A California law (Ch. 43, 
Senate Constitutional Amendment 6) ex- 
empted from taxation any hospital or sana- 
torium, charitable or otherwise, not con- 
ducted for private profit; an Indiana law 
(Ch. 87) directed every public utility com- 
pany, whether privately or publicly owned, 
to furnish utility service free of charge to any 
hospital which accepts and cares for charity 
patients; and an Ohio law (House Bill No. 
13) provided that counties shall pay for 
hospital care supplied their legal residents, 
when indigent, in a hospital in another 
county, and that villages and townships 
shall pay for hospital care supplied to their 
legal residents in a hospital in another city, 
village, or township within the same county. 
Other laws passed in Michigan, New Jersey, 
and Texas show the trend in legislation at 
present toward increasing support of hos- 
pitals from public funds. 

Consult: Burdett, Henry C: Hospitals and 
Asylums of the World, Vol. Ill, 1893; Modern 
Hospital Year Book, 1929: also transactions and 
bulletins of the American Hospital Association, 
and of the American College of Surgeons, reports 
of annual congresses of the Council on Medical 
Education and Hospitals of the American Medical 
Association, and transactions of the International 



201 



Hospital Social Work 



Congress, 1929. Local studies include: Davis, 
Michael M., Jr.: Cleveland Hospital and Health 
Survey (Cleveland Hospital Council), 1920; 
Hicks, Mary L.: Hospitals of Cincinnati (Helen 
S. Trounstine Foundation), 1925; Boston Council 
of Social Agencies: Chronic Diseases in Boston, 
1927. 

A. C. Bachmeyer 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 



HOSPITAL SOCIAL WORK. The primary 
purpose of medical social work— also known 
as medical social service, or hospital social 
work or service— is to further the medical 
care of the patient by a method of medical 
social case study and treatment. Its major 
activity is, therefore, medical social case 
work. The method is that of social case work 
correlated with medical treatment. It re- 
quires the assembling and analyzing of data 
and the outlining and carrying through of an 
integrated medical social plan. Its basis is 
the medical need of the patient— a need 
which may be aggravated by social condi- 
tions and may therefore require social as well 
as medical treatment. This service con- 
tributes to the physician's understanding of 
the patient and his problem by bringing to 
his attention significant data regarding the 
patient's personality and environment. It 
may enable the patient to understand and 
carry through a plan of treatment, satisfac- 
tory to the physician, which possibly neces- 
sitates adjustments in the patient's work or 
home. 

History and Present Status. The year 1895 
seems to mark the employment of the first 
full-time social worker in a hospital. During 
that year, at the initiative of Charles S. 
Loch, of the Charity Organization Society of 
London, a worker was assigned to the 
Royal Free Hospital of London as an al- 
moner, one-fourth of her salary being paid 
by the hospital and three-fourths by the 
Charity Organization Society. In the United 
States some 10 years later, paid, full-time 



social workers were introduced into out- 
patient departments of the Massachusetts 
General Hospital (Boston), Bellevue Hos- 
pital (New York City), and Johns Hopkins 
Hospital (Baltimore). Beginning thus in the 
out-patient department, the service was 
gradually extended to the hospital wards. 

In the early American developments, as in 
England, the incentive and financial support 
came from individuals outside of the hospi- 
tal. Inevitably, that form of divided respon- 
sibility proved unsatisfactory, and hospitals 
have tended, therefore, to take over the 
entire responsibility for organizing and financ- 
ing their departments of social work. How- 
ever, it is not unusual to find the early prac- 
tice still followed, both in the organization 
of new departments and in the maintenance 
of already established ones. In many in- 
stances where the transition from the outside 
support to hospital organization and main- 
tenance has been effected, it has been most 
important and desirable to retain the interest 
of the original lay group, and in many places 
this has been done by the development of 
advisory committees on which are usually 
included representatives of the original 
group, social workers not connected with hos- 
pitals, physicians of the hospital staff who 
are especially interested in the social ele- 
ments of medical practice, and representa- 
tives of the administrative officers. Such 
a committee concerns itself with the develop- 
ment of standards of personnel and practice 
in medical social work, with the community 
relations which the hospital builds up 
through the social service department, and 
with new projects and programs. 

For the purpose of safeguarding profes- 
sional standards through group activity, 
the American Association of Hospital Social 
Workers was organized at the time of the 
National Conference of Social Work in 19 18. 
I n order to provide for local group activity co- 
ordinated through the central organization, 
provision was made for districts, and com- 
mittees to conduct the usual functional 
activities of an association were provided on 
a democratic basis. Study committees to 



202 



Hospital Social Work 



conduct research into the methods and 
practice of medical social work were also 
organized. There are at present 12 district 
organizations and 14 committees. The 
minimum standards for departments of 
medical social work, which are incorporated 
in the standardization report of the Ameri- 
can College of Surgeons, are the product of 
the Minimum Standards Committee of this 
Association. 

There has been no accurate count of the 
number of departments of social service 
attached to hospitals since 1924, when 574 
were reported (A new directory of social 
service departments will be prepared dur- 
ing 1930), but there has been a steady in- 
crease since that year in the membership 
of the American Association of Hospital 
Social Workers. The work, while wide- 
spread, is somewhat concentrated in urban 
communities. Although departments were 
first developed in the privately supported 
hospitals, they are now found also in many 
of the tax-supported institutions, federal, 
state, county, and municipal. 

Conspicuous in the tax-supported groups 
are (a) The Veterans' Bureau, which in 1929 
employed 90 social workers— 67 in regional 
offices and 23 in Veterans' Hospitals. The 
emphasis in the Bureau has been placed 
chiefly on social work with mentally ill 
patients, but the trend at present is toward 
introducing more social work in tuberculosis 
sanatoria and general hospitals, (b) State 
hospitals, especially in the Middle West 
where there is affiliation with state univer- 
sity medical schools, have undertaken pro- 
grams of social work which are making out- 
standing contributions to the health field 
and to the field of social service, (c) In 
many parts of the country, county and 
municipal hospitals, dispensaries, and health 
centers are doing most creditable medical 
social work. 

Conspicuous in the field of private en- 
deavor are the following: (a) Those depart- 
ments in the large teaching hospitals where 
the practice of medical social work is being 
studied and research is being carried on into 



the social causes and treatment of illness. 
Schools of social work affiliated with these 
hospital centers are proving their value as 
places where students may be trained in re- 
search and field work under able direction, 
(b) In the special hospital field, also, medical 
social work has made significant contribu- 
tions. Children's hospitals, tuberculosis 
sanatoria, and more recently hospitals for 
cancer and for the chronically ill have intro- 
duced departments of medical social service 
as part of the general organization, (c) One 
of the most interesting developments in 
privately supported medical social work 
during the past few years has been that of 
the American Red Cross, which now has a 
medical social service department employ- 
ing 50 trained social workers and providing 
coordinated recreation service in six army 
and ten navy hospitals, and in St. Eliza- 
beth's Hospital, Washington, D. C, under 
the Department of the Interior. The di- 
rector of social work in each of these hos- 
pitals is responsible to her organization 
for case work technique, functions, and 
policies. She is also responsible to the officer 
commanding the hospital, and, as such, is an 
integral part of the hospital staff. This 
pioneering by the Red Cross has so success- 
fully demonstrated to the Veterans' Bureau 
and the National Soldiers' Home the value 
of this type of service that social work is now 
a part also of the general programs of these 
agencies. 

Among the significant trends in the field 
of hospital social work today is the tendency 
to expect social workers in medical institu- 
tions to participate in administrative as well 
as in therapeutic activities. This is espe- 
cially noticeable in out-patient clinics when 
questions arise of determining dispensary 
fees or of the clinic management of patients. 
In 1926 the American Hospital Association 
adopted standards of out-patient work in 
which the following statement was made: 
"The gathering of social and financial in- 
formation necessary to determine admission 
under the [accepted] policy should be per- 
formed by a person with training in social 



203 



Hospital Social Work 



work." This statement has probably done 
much to impress hospital administrators 
with the value of qualified social workers as 
admission officers. Likewise, the impor- 
tance of social case work as a means to more 
effective study and treatment of clinic pa- 
tients is becoming evident. 

In practice, social work in hospitals seems 
to take one of two forms of organization: 
(i) a general department of social work un- 
der the direction of the head of the depart- 
ment, with one or more social workers and 
their assistants assigned to admission and 
clinic management duties, or these functions 
distributed among the case working mem- 
bers of the staff in addition to their case 
work duties; or (2) a separate department of 
admissions directly responsible to the hos- 
pital or out-patient department administra- 
tion. Members of this type of department 
are trained social workers but are not a 
part of the social service department of the 
institution. 

There is some tendency in certain medical 
institutions at the present time to provide 
social case work for all hospital and out- 
patient department patients, regardless of 
economic status. This plan is based on the 
principle that social causes of illness and 
social obstacles to recovery are not limited 
to patients in low income groups. Social 
problems in illness are not determined by 
income. In practice there are the outstand- 
ing examples of social work in government 
hospitals, private hospitals, and health 
centers where provision for social care is 
based upon the patient's social needs, not 
on his economic status. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
In 1 92 1 a survey of the status of hospital 
social service throughout the United States 
and Canada was undertaken by a Committee 
of the American Hospital Association. In 
the report which followed the committee 
referred to the importance of providing more 
adequate training for hospital social workers 
and recommended "that the American 
Hospital Association form a committee on 



Training for Hospital and Dispensary 
Social Service, composed of physicians, • 
nursing educators, hospital social workers 
and educators in general social service, to 
make further study and recommendations 
upon this subject." The outcome was a 
Report on Training published in 1923. This 
report deals with the nature of hospital 
social work, its relationship to other activi- 
ties, and the history and status of training 
in 1923, and offers a proposed curriculum. 
The section on the curriculum covers pre- 
requisites, personal and educational char- 
acter of professional teaching, character of 
field practice, length of courses, and subject 
matter of the training period. 

By 1925 it was clearly recognized that 
training courses for hospital work, in centers 
well distributed geographically, were ur- 
gently needed. The demand for well- 
equipped workers was steadily increasing. 
As a step in promoting the educational 
interests of the American Association of 
Hospital Social Workers, an educational sec- 
retary was employed early in 1926. The 
work of this secretary has been primarily 
that of interesting certain schools of social 
work to offer special training courses in 
medical social work. She has also been the 
bearer of information and methods from one 
medical social educational supervisor to 
another, as courses were developed in the 
different schools. A special committee is 
responsible for the educational program of 
the Association and for the activities of the 
educational secretary. 

In 1930 the following institutions will 
offer courses in medical social training: 
University of Minnesota, University of 
Indiana, Washington University (St. Louis), 
Tulane University (New Orleans), Western 
Reserve University (Cleveland), University 
of Chicago, National Catholic School of Social 
Service (Washington), New York School of 
Social Work, and Simmons College School 
of Social Work (Boston). 



Developments and Events, 1929. During 
the year there was a small but noticeable in- 



204 



Hours of Work in Industry 



crease in the number of hospitals employ- cooperation of the Functions Committee of 



ing social workers qualified by education and 
experience in medical social work. Several 
communities reported substantial increases 
in the size of department staffs, either 
through the usual normal growth or through 
reorganizations. Two departments reported 
the adoption of new standards of personnel- 
one, a private hospital, requiring a Bachelor's 
degree and in addition one year in a recog- 
nized school of social work; and the other, 
a tax-supported hospital, requiring a Bache- 
lor's degree plus one year in a school of social 
work, or one year's experience in supervised 
case work. The increase in number of 
qualified workers is reported as indicating 
the growing importance of the case working 
function of medical social work. 

The chapters of the American Association 
of Hospital Social Workers through their 
local study committees report that progress 
was made during the year in: (a) definition 
of relationships between medical social work 
and other community agencies; (b) activi- 
ties of volunteers through study courses, 
new projects such as a children's library, and 
the organization of volunteer workers; (c) 
studies in special fields such as social work 
with diabetic patients, unmarried mothers, 
and cancer patients. 

Other research projects under way during 
the year include: a nation-wide study of the 
relationship of medical social work to the 
social service exchange, made by the Com- 
mittee on Community Relations of the 
American Association of Hospital Social 
Workers; and studies of the significance to 
medical practice of the patient's social rela- 
tionships and resultant surroundings, and of 
the contribution to the institutional practice 
of medicine of the social case method of 
managing patients, conducted by the Func- 
tions Committee of the Association. In addi- 
tion, a joint committee of the American 
Association of Hospital Social Workers 
and the Association of Community Chests 
and Councils, working under the auspices of 
the Local Community Research Committee 
of the University of Chicago and with the 



the Association, made definite progress to- 
ward the preparation of a handbook on 
statistics in medical social work; the Records 
Committee began work on a minimum stand- 
ard form for a medical social case record; 
and the Educational Committee undertook 
studies of the medical content of courses for 
students of social work and medical social 
work, field work for students of medical 
social work, the psychiatric content of 
courses for students of medical social work, 
and the contribution of the social worker to 
the education of the student nurse. 

Consult: Hamilton, Gordon: "A Medical 
Social Terminology," in Hospital Social Service, 
March, 1927; Committee on Functions, American 
Association of Hospital Social Workers: "The 
Functions of Hospital Social Service," in Hospital 
Social Service, May, 1928; Cabot, Richard: 
"Hospital and Dispensary Social Work," in 
Hospital Social Service, October, 1928; American 
Association of Hospital Social Workers: "Mini- 
mum Standards for a Department of Medical 
Social Work," in Bulletin, July, 1928; Medical 
Social Case Records (1927 Case Competition of the 
American Association of Hospital Social Workers), 
1928; Odencrantz, Louise C: The Social Worker 
(Part II on Medical Social Work), 1929; Baker, 
Edith: "Social Service as an Administrative Aid 
in the Hospital," in Hospital Progress, July, 1929; 
Morris, Irene: "Social Service as a Diagnostic and 
Therapeutic Aid," in Hospital Progress, August, 
1929; and issues of the Bulletin of the American 
Association of Hospital Social Workers. 

Helen Beckley 

Kate McMahon 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 586. 

HOSPITALS FOR CONVALESCENTS. 
See Convalescent Care. 



HOURS OF WORK IN INDUSTRY. 
Since the days when women first left the 
farmhouse spinning wheel to tend spindles 
in a factory it has been an accepted principle 
that their work should be done under health- 



205 



Hours of Work in Industry 



ful conditions. Such conditions are neces- 
sary not only for the sake of the women 
workers but because a close relationship 
has been demonstrated between overstrain 
and women's health and the social conse- 
quences. Regulatory laws have seemed the 
surest way to guarantee proper conditions, 
and for more than 50 years in the United 
States, and even longer in England, legisla- 
tion to protect working women has been an 
accepted mode of procedure. The most im- 
portant statutes have been those limiting 
the duration of hours of work in any given 
day or week. Such regulation, as applied to 
women, is the only subject considered in 
this article. For legal restrictions of a some- 
what different character see Night Work 
in Industry. 

The constitutionality of this type of 
legislation is based on the police power of 
the state to safeguard the health and morals 
of its citizens. Proponents of such measures 
have believed them necessary to protect the 
health of women. Similar laws have been 
enacted for children. (See Child Labor.) 
In some instances regulatory laws apply also 
to men in occupations that are especially 
hazardous to the worker or that involve a 
responsibility which might jeopardize the 
safety of others through his fatigue. Such 
instances, however, although significant as 
indications of potential developments, do 
not compare in number or importance 
with the statutes relating to hours for 
women. 

History and Present Status. Massachusetts 
was the pioneer state in enacting effective 
legislation relating to hours of work by 
women. For over 40 years, beginning early 
in the last century, almost continuous agita- 
tion was carried on in that state for the regu- 
lation of hours of labor of all persons. This 
agitation, strengthened by legislative reports 
and limited legislative action, approved by 
public-spirited citizens, endorsed by both 
political parties, and officially sponsored by 
the State Bureau of Statistics of Labor, finally 
met with partial success in 1874, when a bill 



was passed by the House of Representatives 
limiting women's hours in manufacturing to 
10 daily and 60 weekly. The bill, however, 
was amended in the Senate to allow longer 
usual daily hours with one short day each 
week, provided the 60-hour week was not 
exceeded; also to prevent the prosecution of 
an employer except for "wilfully" violating 
the law. These two amendments made the 
law practically unenforceable. Similar pro- 
visions in other states resulted also in unen- 
forceable laws, and it was not until 1879, 
when the Massachusetts legislature struck 
out the word wilfully, that the legal restric- 
tion of women's hours became enforceable. 
Since then definite codes regulating women's 
hours in specified occupations have been 
gradually built up in the states of the 
country. 

Forty-three states and the District of 
Columbia now have laws regulating the 
duration of the hours of women's work, and 
in addition Georgia has an hour law apply- 
ing to both men and women, but no law 
specifically for women. The five remaining 
states are Alabama, Florida, Iowa, West 
Virginia, and Indiana. The last state, how- 
ever, prohibits the employment of women at 
night in manufacturing. Ten states and the 
District of Columbia have 8-hour laws (Ari- 
zona, California, Colorado, Kansas, Mon- 
tana, Nevada, New Mexico, New York, 
Utah, and Washington). North Dakota and 
Wyoming have 8>^-hour laws. Seventeen 
states have 9-hour laws (Arkansas, Idaho, 
Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, 
Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New Mex- 
ico, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Okla- 
homa, Oregon, Texas, and Wisconsin). 
Sixteen states have 10-hour laws (Connecti- 
cut, Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky, Louisiana, 
Maryland, Minnesota, Mississippi, New 
Jersey, New Mexico, Oregon, Pennsylvania, 
Rhode Island, South Dakota, Virginia, and 
Wisconsin). New Hampshire has a io>^- 
hour day and a 54-hour week, Vermont a 
io^-hour day and a 56-hour week, Ten- 
nessee a io>2-hour day and a 57-hour week, 
North Carolina an 11 -hour day and a 60- 



206 



Hours of Work in Industry 



hour week, and South Carolina a 12-hour 
day and a 60-hour week. 

Twelve states and the District of Colum- 
bia (Arizona, Arkansas, Pennsylvania, Cali- 
fornia, Delaware, Kansas, New Jersey, New 
York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, and 
Washington) have limited the number of 
days which a women may work in succession; 
in the majority of cases six days out of seven. 
Thirteen states (Arkansas, California, Dela- 
ware, Kansas, Louisiana, Massachusetts, 
Minnesota, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, 
Pennsylvania, Washington, and Wisconsin) 
have provided that a period of time varying 
from 30 minutes to one hour must be al- 
lowed for the noonday meal. Twelve states 
and the District of Columbia (Arkansas, 
Delaware, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Mary- 
land, Massachusetts, North Dakota, Ore- 
gon, Pennsylvania, Washington, and Wiscon- 
sin) have ruled that a woman may work only 
a fixed number of hours— usually five or six — 
without either a meal or rest period. 

Legislation, iQ2g. Maine (Ch. 179) amended 
its law restricting continuous work to six 
hours by exempting any telephone exchange 
where the operator during the night is not 
required to be at the switchboard continu- 
ously but is able to sleep the major part of 
the night. The provision requiring the 
posting of hour schedules was amended to 
exempt any exchange employing less than 
five women operators. Texas (Ch. 87) ex- 
empted from the women's 54-hour law super- 
intendents, matrons, nurses, and attendants 
in orphan homes which are charitable insti- 
tutions and not run for profit and not 
operated by the state. Michigan (Ch. 299) 
extended its hour law to women employed 
in hospitals, but exempted student and 
graduate nurses in hospitals, or in fraternal 
or charitable homes. Pennsylvania (No. 
450) required persons violating any provision 
of the hour law to pay the costs of prosecu- 
tion in addition to the fine imposed, and 
provided for imprisonment in case of failure 
to pay fines and costs. Rhode Island (Ch. 
13 16) exempted from its law regulating 



women's hours of work in manufacturing, 
mechanical, business, or mercantile establish- 
ments, any "women working by shifts dur- 
ing different periods or parts of the day in 
the employ of a public utility." Wyoming 
(Ch. 13) amended its seating and hour law 
for women by requiring the posting of copies 
of the law in but one place in the establish- 
ment, instead of in each room as heretofore; 
also the clause permitting overtime where 
an emergency exists if "time and a half" is 
paid, was changed to eliminate the words 
"or unusual pressing business or necessity 
demands it." No state made changes dur- 
ing the year in the maximum number of 
hours women in industry might be em- 
ployed. 

During the year an important decision was 
rendered by the Supreme Court of New 
York, Appellate Division, First Department 
(State vs. Elite Steam Laundry, Inc.), re- 
vising an earlier opinion of the attorney 
general as to the application of the statute of 
1928 regulating the hours of women's work. 
The court stated that "an employer who 
works his female employees under a weekly 
schedule of nine hours a day for five days and 
four and one-half hours on the sixth day, 
may add under the express permit of the 
statute to the sixth or short day of four and 
one-half hours the one-and-one-half hours 
of overtime without violating the law." 
Thus a 5 1 -hour week will be the result if 
the yearly allowance of 78 hours overtime 
specified in the act is distributed evenly 
throughout the year. 

Consult: Commons and Andrews: Principles of 
Labor Legislation (revised edition), 1927; Gold- 
mark, Josephine: Fatigue and Efficiency, 19 12; 
Women's Bureau, United States Department of 
Labor: State Laws Affecting Working Women 
(Bulletin No. 63), 1927, The Effects of Labor 
Legislation on the Employment Opportunities of 
Women (Bulletin No. 65), 1928, and History of 
Labor Legislation for Women in Three States and 
Chronological Development of Labor Legislation in 
the United States (Bulletin No. 66), 1929; Frank- 
furter and Goldmark: The Case for the Shorter 
Work Day (Brief for the Defendant in Error, 
Supreme Court of the United States, in Bunt- 



14 



207 



Household Employment 



ing vs. Oregon, 1916, two volumes (reprinted by hold, by Henrietta Roeloff, called for a limited 



National Consumers' League). 

Mary N. Winslow 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 587. 

HOUSEHOLD EMPLOYMENT has taken 
its place in recent years alongside of indus- 
trial and mercantile employment as a prob- 
lem demanding the careful attention of all 
who are broadly interested in human wel- 
fare. The maladjustment in this important 
field is so general and acute as to be known 
to everyone as the " servant problem." From 
the standpoint of the employe, working con- 
ditions are often quite unsatisfactory. The 
social stigma attached to the work is so 
strong that almost every other occupation is 
considered preferable. Within many if not 
most of the households employing paid 
workers the problems of hours, wages, 
duties, and living arrangements have seldom 
been frankly faced and adjusted. 

History and Present Status. In 1897 Pro- 
fessor Lucy Salmon, of Vassar College, first 
directed serious attention to this subject in 
her history of domestic service. {Domestic 
Service, 1901.) From 1903 to 1905 an 
important experiment was carried on in 
Boston by the Household Aid Company — 
an organization which undertook to furnish 
trained household workers by the hour. It 
established headquarters where the so-called 
"household aids" were to live and gave them 
training under competent instructors in 
home economics. From 1897 on, the Do- 
mestic Reform League, of the Women's 
Educational and Industrial Union in Boston, 
made a series of surveys of local conditions 
in domestic employment, started a school 
for domestic workers, and conducted an 
employment bureau with a standard form 
of contract for domestic service. In 191 5 
the Household Employment Commission 
of the Young Women's Christian Associa- 
tion was organized, and its study, published 
as The Road to Trained Service in the House- 



workday, definite duties, and freer life for the 
houseworker. In 191 9 a committee of the 
same organization, in cooperation with the 
United States Employment Service and cer- 
tain New York interests, inaugurated a 
program under the Committee on Home 
Assistants. Two years later Scientific House- 
keeping, Inc., was organized in New York 
City to appeal to a high type of employes 
who would give efficient service in the home 
on an eight-hour basis, or work by the hour. 

A number of American cities have fol- 
lowed the leads suggested by these experi- 
ments. In Providence a Bureau of House- 
hold Occupations was established where 
trained women were placed in homes on a 
part-time basis or by the hour. Similar 
bureaus are now in operation in Boston and 
Hartford. In 1927, in Philadelphia, a group 
of Quaker women, in cooperation with the 
leading women's clubs and the federal Wo- 
men's Bureau, made a study of the situation 
in that city. Out of this investigation grew 
a permanent organization, the Philadelphia 
Council on Household Occupations, which 
has continued to study special aspects of 
the problem, including employment agencies. 
The Women's Bureau of the United States 
Department of Labor made an analysis in 
1924 of the records of the Domestic Efficiency 
Association in Baltimore (Robinson, Mary V. : 
Domestic Workers and Their Employment Re- 
lations, Bulletin No. 39, 1925). For several 
years the National Board of the Young 
Women's Christian Association has encour- 
aged such of its members as are in household 
employment to keep accurate time records 
and to improve their schedules of work in the 
effort to develop standards in their occupation. 

In October, 1928, a two-day conference on 
Employer-Employe Relationships in the 
Home was held in Washington. The na- 
tional committee which grew out of that 
conference drew up a program of research, 
emphasizing the need for a nation-wide 
survey of the present situation and for 
studies and experiments to determine satis- 
factory working conditions and needed re- 



208 



Housing 



adjustments of work relationships. The 
committee urged that the individual needs 
of each type of employer or employe be con- 
sidered; and called for a job analysis of 
household employment and an estimate of 
the value of employment agencies operating 
in this field. It drew attention to the possi- 
bilities of school instruction, at each level 
of a child's development, relating to home- 
making skills and correct attitudes toward 
home responsibilities. It also recognized 
the need for a re-education of public opinion 
as to the great economic and social impor- 
tance of work in the home. 

Among factors influencing household em- 
ployment are the growth of large cities, with 
apartment living; the use of labor-saving 
devices; the increased dependence on bak- 
eries, delicatessen stores, restaurants, and 
clubs, and the rising standard of living. Re- 
stricted immigration has changed the source 
of supply of domestic workers and the num- 
ber has actually decreased. Two other 
factors to be considered are the wide extent 
of general unemployment and the increased 
tendency for women of education to seek 
outside employment in order to supplement 
family earnings. Research may serve to 
clarify the relationship between these prob- 
lems and find a way gradually to remove 
the stigma from household employment, so 
that such work may be utilized for men and 
women thrown out of other lines of economic 
activity, and may free professionally trained 
women to find part-time employment out- 
side the home. 

Consult: Andrews, Benjamin R.: The Eco- 
nomics of the Household; Its Administration and 
Finance, particularly Ch. XII, New York, 1923; 
Anderson, Mary: "Domestic Service in the 
United States," in Journal of Home Economics, 
January, 1928; Roosevelt, Eleanor: "Servants," 
in Forum, January, 1930; Watson, Amey E.: 
" Employer-Employee Relationships in the Home," 
in Annals of the American Academy, May, 1929. 

Amey E. Watson 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 

page 587. 



HOUSES OF CORRECTION. See Penal 
and Reformatory Institutions for 
Adults, and Delinquent Boys, Insti- 
tution Care. 

HOUSES OF REFUGE. See Delinquent 
Boys, Institution Care. 

HOUSING. Organized activities in the 
field of housing in the United States have 
taken two forms— the promotion of legis- 
lative regulation and the provision of model 
housing accommodations. Both of these 
activities are considered in this article. 

Housing Regulation. New York City has 
faced problems of land overcrowding, high 
buildings, and room overcrowding in ad- 
vance of the other cities. It has also taken a 
position of leadership in the comprehensive- 
ness and quality of its legislation. The 
Tenement House Act of 1901, which applied 
both to New York City and Buffalo, was an 
exceptionally well-thought-out piece of legis- 
lation for its period and led to drastic im- 
provement in old buildings, as well as re- 
markable changes in the requirements for 
new multiple dwellings. Its provisions re- 
garding fireproofing, light and ventilation, 
maintenance, improvements, alterations and 
penalties have in relatively few instances 
been improved upon in kind. These pro- 
visions have, however, been strengthened 
progressively in degree through the Model 
Tenement House Law, and subsequently 
the Model Housing Law, both of which were 
drafted by Lawrence Veiller, author in 1901 
of the original Tenement House Act. The 
Model Housing Law has served as the basis 
of legislation in many cities and in several 
states, such as Michigan, Minnesota, and 
Iowa. It has proved to be admirably 
adapted to its purpose. 

Progress in housing legislation and its 
enforcement throughout America has been 
due chiefly to the stimulus and directive 
genius supplied by Mr. Veiller, who since its 
foundation in 19 10 has been the secretary 
and director of the National Housing Asso- 



209 



Housing 



ciation. With the continuous support and 
balanced practical judgment of Robert W. 
de Forest, who collaborated in the produc- 
tion of the Tenement House Problem (1903), 
the first valuable scientific study of housing 
in this country, and of the Russell Sage 
Foundation, which has backed the National 
Housing Association from the beginning, Mr. 
Veiller has been able to extend his treatment 
of the subject of housing to cover its many 
public aspects and has in recent years made 
its journal, first called Housing Betterment, 
and subsequently Housing, the outstanding 
publication in its field in America. 

The present status of housing regulation 
is roughly as follows: Most cities with a 
population of more than 25,000 people have 
local building codes which contain some pro- 
visions (usually far from adequate) relating 
to structural safety, fireproofing, and sani- 
tation of dwellings. It is ordinarily only in 
the larger cities that one finds a special sec- 
tion on housing, and its provisions apply 
usually only to tenement houses. Except for 
those states and cities which have adopted 
the Model Housing Law, there is only an 
insignificant number of cities in which the 
laws or ordinances relating to housing even 
approach adequacy. 

The best devices for the enforcement of 
housing legislation are still those outlined 
in the Model Housing Law, by Lawrence 
Veiller (1920). In the absence of such provi- 
sions housing legislation is not well enforced, 
and builders in many cities find it profitable 
to violate the law and pay such small fines 
as they may be subject to on those infrequent 
occasions when they are brought before the 
court. Much timidity is shown by adminis- 
trative departments also in the elimination 
of dwellings which are "unfit for human 
habitation." Except for a few rare instances 
where there are courageous officials with high 
standards, little progress is made in the de- 
molition of such properties outside of those 
cities like Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and Cin- 
cinnati in which the administrative depart- 
ment benefits from the stimulation and 
cooperation of well-managed permanent hous- 



ing associations. In the District of Columbia, 
however, the National Capital Park and 
Planning Commission employed John Ihlder 
during 1929 as consultant to frame a bill 
for the elimination of alley dwellings. The 
resulting bill was most skillfully drawn, and 
if passed in 1930 without serious modifica- 
tions it will be the most remarkable legisla- 
tion of its kind in the history of the country, 
and will serve as a useful model for other 
cities which face the problem of alley dwell- 
ings. 

The most notable advances in housing 
regulation during 1929 were probably made 
in the State of Pennsylvania. Due chiefly 
to the Philadelphia Housing Association and 
to the Pennsylvania Housing and Town 
Planning Association, the legislature passed 
a comprehensive building code for Phila- 
delphia (No. 413) and passed also a zoning 
enabling act for Philadelphia (No. 469). Im- 
portant developments occurred also in Cali- 
fornia, Louisiana, New Jersey, and Memphis, 
Tenn. In New York State the passage of 
the multiple dwelling law (Ch. 713), apply- 
ing to cities of over 800,000 population, was 
the culmination of a long struggle to displace 
the tenement house act of 190 1. It is im- 
possible in this space to outline the strik- 
ing changes accomplished by the multiple 
dwelling act, which is 95 pages in length, and 
designed primarily to favor the skyscraper 
type of multiple dwelling. The subject is 
highly controversial. Files of Housing will 
doubtless reveal currently the limitations of 
the act and its enforcement, and will outline 
court decisions relating to it. 

Promotion of Housing. For a century there 
have been attempts to contribute to the 
solution of the housing problem by the con- 
struction of model tenements. The earlier 
efforts were so ill advised that the buildings 
erected soon became obsolescent and unde- 
sirable. The best of the earlier model tene- 
ments were those erected by Alfred Tread- 
way White in Brooklyn. The City and Sub- 
urban Homes Company of New York, 
organized in 1896 with a capital of a million 



210 



Housing 



dollars, has been the most extensive builder 
of model tenements in past years. It has 
done no building, however, since 1924, 
though continuing to pay its regular divi- 
dends and an extra 1 per cent on account of 
dividends accumulated during the years 
when it was paying less than 5 per cent. Its 
most recent venture has been the remodeling 
of three old tenement houses on Goerck 
Street, New York City, comprising 71 apart- 
ments, providing each with bath and heat. 
The rents charged are approximately double 
those which prevailed before the remodeling 
and yet the buildings are stated to be 95 
per cent occupied. Probably the most in- 
teresting of the Rockefeller experiments in 
recent years has been the building of the 
Paul Laurence Dunbar Apartments for 
Negroes in the Harlem section of New York 
City. The building contains 51 1 apartments 
ranging from three to seven rooms, and the 
investment cost is stated to be $3,300,000. 
Theaverage rent forrooms is $14. 50a month. 
The buildings were opened in February, 1928. 
An unusual and excellent feature is the pro- 
vision of clubrooms, nurseries, and play- 
grounds. 

The Brooklyn Garden Apartments have 
provided 677 rentable rooms in 164 apart- 
ments of from three to five rooms each, to- 
gether with a social room for adults and a 
playroom and playground. Rents range 
from $9.00 a month up, per room. The cost 
is $800 a room, including bathrooms and 
stores. Tenants are encouraged to subscribe 
for stock, and dividends are limited to 6 per 
cent. 

Seven blocks in the lower east side of New 
York between Chrystie and Forsyth Streets 
and East Houston and Canal Streets have 
been acquired by New York City for street 
widening, and unused portions of these 
blocks may be leased for the construction of 
model apartments at low rentals. There are 
projects for the construction of cooperative 
apartments in this area. The best example 
of cooperative housing in America, however, 
up to date, is provided by the Amalgamated 
Clothing Workers Housing Corporation, 



which has built a large number of five-story 
brick "walk-up" tenements, with apart- 
ments ranging from two to five rooms each 
and covering less than 50 per cent of the 
land. These apartments are strictly co- 
operative in origin as well as in management 
and thus differ from those sponsored by real 
estate companies. An extension of this de- 
velopment is in process which provides for 
higher apartment houses with elevator 
service. 

In Chicago the most recent ventures in 
this field include the Marshall Field Garden 
Apartments and the Michigan Boulevard 
Garden Apartments, the latter being built 
and financed by Julius Rosenwald. A recent 
New Jersey law makes possible the financing 
of model houses by insurance companies, 
and such projects are being undertaken by 
the Prudential Insurance Company, fol- 
lowing the example of the Metropolitan Life 
Insurance Company. In Cincinnati the 
Model Homes Company is planning to ex- 
tend its construction of group dwellings for 
Negroes in the suburbs or outlying districts, 
making use of characteristic Schmidlapp 
plans. 

The most significant development in 
model housing, however, has been that under 
the direction of the City Housing Corpora- 
tion of New York, which has followed its 
valuable experience in suburban housing at 
Sunnyside in Queensboro by the building of 
a community of 1,000 acres at Radburn, 
near Paterson, N. J. This development has 
successfully faced the problem of providing 
well-built and attractive homes, largely 
semi-detached, as well as apartments in an 
extensive, well-conceived community. The 
most original feature in this "town for the 
motor age" is the elimination of dangerous 
motor traffic from the residential area by 
placing houses upon park land and having 
each approached at the rear by private cul- 
de-sacs for motors. An over-pass is provided 
also to protect children and other pedes- 
trians from traffic. Houses are sold at 
prices beyond the reach of the wage-earning 
population. See City Planning. 



211 



Housing for Girls and Women 



Tax exemption of modern housing ven- 
tures which is common in European coun- 
tries has been much discussed with refer- 
ence to its application in New York State and 
New Jersey. Among the housing organiza- 
tions that have taken advantage of the New 
York State law of 1926 and city ordinance of 
1927, which permit tax exemption for model 
apartments in which rooms do not rent for 
more than $11 a room per month, are the 
Brooklyn Garden Apartments, the Amalga- 
mated Cooperative Apartments, and the Far- 
band Housing Corporation (sponsored by 
the Jewish National Workers Alliance of 
America). In general the movement for tax 
exemption is not strong in this country out- 
side of New York, and no adequate study 
of it has been made to determine whether 
its advantages outweigh its disadvantages. 

Cheap government credit for the promo- 
tion of improved housing for wage-earners is 
proposed from time to time in Congress and 
in state legislatures. Most of the leading 
countries of the world have such legislation, 
but in this country it has never received 
sufficient backing to overcome the opposition 
of real estate interests and taxpayers. There 
are serious difficulties in financing the hous- 
ing of wage-earners, due to high rates for 
second and third mortgages, the high cost of 
construction loans, and short periods of 
amortization. No adequate study of this 
subject has yet been made, but there are 
prospects that it will be undertaken during 
the coming year. The most serious proposals 
for government credit since those submitted 
by Governor Alfred E. Smith in 1925- 1926 
have been sponsored by the Michigan Hous- 
ing Association. So far its efforts have 
been unsuccessful. 

Other notable advances in housing have 
grown out of the agencies for planning houses 
in wartime, especially the Emergency Fleet 
Corporation, and the United States Housing 
Corporation in the Department of Labor in 
1918; the spread of city planning and zoning, 
especially after the publication of state 
enabling acts and primers on these subjects 
by the Division of Building and Housing of 



the United States Department of Commerce; 
the developments in the literature of sub- 
division practice and cooperative apart- 
ments, both by the National Association of 
Real Estate Boards and by housing and city 
planning organizations, and the putting into 
practice of their recommendations; the 
formation of the Architect's Small House 
Service Bureau, by the American Institute of 
Architects, to provide plans for single-family 
houses of from three to six rooms drawn by 
competent architects and sold at cost to 
the home builder; the formation of Better 
Homes in America in 1922, with the aid of 
Herbert Hoover, then Secretary of Com- 
merce; the development of the Home Dem- 
onstration Service, through the Extension 
Service of the United States Department of 
Agriculture, for the improvement of rural 
houses and homes; and the holding of peri- 
odic meetings, nation-wide in scope, by the 
National Housing Association and by the 
National Conference on City Planning. 

Consult: Jones, Robert T.: Small Homes of 
Architectural Distinction, 1929; Knowles, Morris: 
Industrial Housing, 1920; Magnussen, Leifur: 
Housing by Employers in the United States, 1920 
(Bureau of Labor Statistics, United States De- 
partment of Labor Bulletin No. 263); Pink, 
Louis: The New Day in Housing, 1928; Regional 
Survey of New York and Its Environs, 1927 to 
1930; Veiller, Lawrence: Housing Reform, 19 10, 
and A Model Housing Law, 1920; and, Wood, 
Edith Elmer: The Housing of the Unskilled Wage 
Earner, America's Next Problem, 19 19; also pub- 
lications of the national agencies listed under this 
topic in Part II, and of the Architects' Small 
House Service Bureau, Minneapolis, and the 
Institute for Research in Land Economics, North- 
western University, Chicago. 

James Ford 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 587. 

HOUSING FOR GIRLS AND WOMEN. 
The field of social work to which the title of 
this article is applied is sometimes designated 
by the titles "Boarding centers or clubs for 



212 



Housing for Girls and Women 



girls," or "Residences for girls." It is 
closely related to the field of girls' club work, 
for when buildings are owned by girls' clubs 
they sometimes contain living accommoda- 
tions for a part of the membership. See 
Girls' Clubs. Included in this article is 
reference to a closely related activity — the 
operation of room registries where girls may 
learn of available accommodations. In such 
registries houses or apartments are listed in 
which rooms are for rent, if investigation 
has shown that the standards of the registry 
are met. These standards concern the char- 
acter of the proprietor, and the respectability, 
cleanliness, and comfort of the rooms. 

History and Present Status. The need for 
wholesome places in which girls without 
homes in a given community might live 
aroused attention first in relation to immi- 
grant girls, and homes were opened for such 
groups under Baptist, Methodist, Catholic, 
and Jewish auspices. Due to immigration 
restriction some of these houses have been 
closed. Housing for other girls and young 
women was first undertaken somewhat later, 
also under religious auspices. The early 
houses were sometimes governed in a way 
irksome to the girls. In 1928, however, the 
Eleanor Clubs of Chicago demonstrated that 
when houses are operated under a system of 
self-government, objection to rules and regu- 
lations disappears, for the girls share in 
their formulation. Equally important was 
the demonstration that houses could be 
operated without subsidies. There are now 
six Eleanor Clubs in Chicago, a new one 
having been opened during 1929. As far as 
known to the author there are only 13 houses 
for girls in the country which are not sub- 
sidized either by gifts of property or build- 
ing, by tax exemption, or by contributions, 
and 12 of these houses have self-government. 
Most houses, however, only pay their run- 
ning expenses from the income received. The 
rates charged vary from $6 to $1 5 a week for 
room and board. 

Because there is no national organization 
which specializes in this field there is little 

21 



assembled information as to the movement. 
No estimates even can be given concerning 
the number of houses in operation. The 
chief known centers of activity have been 
New York, Boston, Chicago, and the cities 
of the Pacific Coast. Two hotels for working 
girls are conducted by Junior Leagues in 
New York and Cleveland. In addition to the 
houses now operated under general social 
auspices are those carried on under Catholic, 
Protestant, or Jewish auspices. Under 
branches of the Girls' Friendly Society of the 
United States of America 12 lodges are 
operated for business girls in cities extending 
from coast to coast. A directory of the 
Catholic institutions, issued in 1929, shows 
199 homes in 99 different cities. The Lu- 
theran Church has nine homes in as many 
cities. In a few cities there are homes under 
Lutheran, Methodist, and Baptist churches, 
and the Salvation Army operates residences 
for business girls in 1 1 different cities. Of 
quite different character are the dormitories 
provided for girls by Young Women's Chris- 
tian Associations in 339 of their buildings in 
266 different cities, and in connection with 
the Young Women's Hebrew Associations or 
Jewish Centers in three cities. 

Cooperation between houses for girls in 
the study of their problems is stimulated in 
New York City by the Association to Pro- 
mote Proper Housing for Girls. It holds a 
two-day conference each November. In San 
Francisco and in other large cities on the 
Pacific Coast there are local housing com- 
mittees or councils organized for similar 
purposes. Recently these were united in a 
Pacific Coast Girls' Housing Council. 

Wherever room registries have been or- 
ganized on a proper basis, housing condi- 
tions have been improved. The first registry 
was opened in New York City by the Young 
Women's Christian Association, and that 
body soon organized other registries through- 
out the country. A bureau of rooming and 
boarding houses for New York City was 
organized in 191 3, at the Conference of 
Working Girls' Houses, and its statistical 
and other methods, planned by experts, 



Immigrants and Foreign Communities 



were later accepted by room registries else- 
where. In 191 5 these organizations were 
merged in the Association to Promote Proper 
Housing for Girls. A "hostess club" of 
landladies who are listed at the bureau holds 
four meetings each year. Jewish and Catho- 
lic room registries in New York developed 
from the bureau somewhat later, and rep- 
resentatives from all groups are now or- 
ganized under the Welfare Council. There is 
a Cooperative Room Registry in Boston. 
The directory already referred to lists 35 
room registries in operation under Catholic 
auspices in 34 different cities. 

Developments and Events, ig2g. During the 
year 18 new houses were opened in eight 
different cities. An innovation in New York 
City, under the Association to Promote 
Proper Housing for Girls, was the opening 
of a house where rooms are rented without 
board. Each girl has a stove, a closet for 
utensils and china, and space in an artificially 
cooled storage room. What was possibly the 
first national gathering in this field was held 
at San Francisco in July during the meeting 
of the National Conference of Social Work. 

Consult: Reports of the national agencies in 
this field; reports of the Eleanor Association 
(16 North Wabash Avenue, Chicago), of the 
Association to Promote Proper Housing for Girls 
in New York City (108 East 30th Street); and of 
the Cooperative Room Registry, Boston; also 
Young Women's Christian Association, National 
Board: Housing for Girls, 1930; National Council 
of Catholic Women: A Study of the Housing of 
Employed Women and Girls, 1925, and its Directory 
of Boarding Homes for Young Women under Cath- 
olic Auspices in the United States, 1929. 

Cornelia E. Marshall 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 587. 

HUMANE SOCIETIES. See Child Pro- 
tection. 

ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN. Sw Chil- 
dren Born out of Wedlock. 



IMMIGRANTS AND FOREIGN COM- 
MUNITIES. This field is engaged with the 
social consequences of migration. Its ac- 
tivities deal with the experiences of indi- 
viduals, families, and groups at points of 
crisis in the migration process; also with 
problems inherent to the successive phases 
of social adjustment which follow the trans- 
planting of human beings. The field is often 
described as that of service to transplanted 
or unadjusted peoples. Its social efforts 
have in the main three goals: (a) To amelio- 
rate the hardships, actual and mental, con- 
sequent to removal from native or natural 
environment and connected with establish- 
ment in the new and foreign environment of 
America; (b) to restore social security and 
to re-establish that social status for indi- 
viduals in the new country which approaches 
the level upon which they lived in their 
original country; and (c) to quicken the 
processes of constructive social integration 
between groups of transplanted people and 
groups of the native or socially dominant 
people. 

The field also includes efforts for social 
reform in four realms: (a) In public educa- 
tion, to remove discriminatory attitudes to- 
ward foreigners in general, and toward par- 
ticular nationalities and races; (b) in the 
provision of public facilities, municipal and 
state, to equalize for foreign-born residents 
the opportunities for education and to give 
protection against exploitation; (c) in state 
legislation, for the purpose of protecting the 
civil rights of aliens; and (d) in modification 
of the national immigration policies of the 
federal government, for the purpose of 
reconciling the regulations and the execu- 
tion of immigration, deportation, and natur- 
alization laws with what today are commonly 
held to be the social rights of humanity. 

It is necessary to mention also that other 
class of activity called "Americanization 
. work" which sprang to life in 19 14, spread 
rapidly and flourished throughout the war 
period. Its motives were confused and its 
activities very largely without standard. 
The word "Americanization" unfortunately 



214 



Immigrants and Foreign Communities 



was often used to exploit that popular psy- 
chology of fear which always in every coun- 
try may lurk in the attitude of natives to- 
ward foreigners, and which was fanned to 
active feeling by wartime emotions. Some 
genuine social activities were carried on 
under the title, but for the most part the 
term stood for a nationalistic and political 
effort to make assimilation a compulsory 
thing. Today, because of its nonsocial im- 
plications, the term has fallen out of use 
except in a few cases of survival from the 
wartime period. In such cases the work 
itself has been thoroughly transformed. 

Immigrant social work is concerned with 
episodes in the experiences of migrants and of 
members of foreign communities over vary- 
ing periods after migration. Its problems 
are caused by the important dissimilarities 
in the old and new surroundings in prac- 
tically every realm of life. Particularly, 
problems arise in the difference in ways of 
living and standards of social behavior, in 
expectations of behavior in others, and in the 
bases from which judgments on most things 
are formed. It also deals with certain legal 
problems and formalities which are conse- 
quent to the political status of alienhood. 
It seeks to promote social integration by 
facilitating natural social exchange on a basis 
of art and culture interests and on civic proj- 
ects between groups of native and foreign 
born. All problems within these categories 
are aggravated when there exist blocks in 
free communication between adult foreign 
and adult native sectors of the general com- 
munity and between client and social worker 
due to a mutual ignorance of each other's 
language. Therefore a responsibility for 
seeing that English is taught by methods 
suitable to adult minds, either through 
private or public effort, is also a part of this 
field. 

The size and character of the actual and 
potential clientele served in the field of 
foreign communities must be estimated from 
the United States census and the annual re- 
ports of the Commissioner General of Im- 
migration. The census of 1920 gives Amer- 



ican-born children having both parents 
foreign born as over 155^ million (15,694,- 
539), and the number of foreign born them- 
selves as over 13^ million (13,712,754). 
(American-born children of only one parent 
foreign born are not included here.) The 
annual reports of the Commissioner of Im- 
migration give the net gains of foreign-born 
individuals through immigration from June 
30, 1920, to June 30, 1929, as 3,013,523. 
These three groups (exclusive of families of 
Oriental nationalities) represent an approxi- 
mately complete statistic of the foreign 
families constituency, and amount to 32,- 
420,816, or a little under one-third of the 
estimated population of the country. They 
represent some 36 different mother tongue 
groups. Re-migration within the United 
States has distributed them throughout the 
country so that now they are found in rural 
and town areas as well as in cities. New 
York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Massachusetts, 
Michigan, Ohio, New Jersey, California, 
Wisconsin, and Minnesota are the 10 states 
having the highest percentage of foreign 
families, in the order listed. 

Certain nationalities at any given time 
present a more urgent need for social care 
than do others. The intensity of social need 
varies greatly with the successive stages of 
community evolution and social integration 
with native or dominant groups through 
which all immigrations pass. The degree 
of need depends on such factors as: (1) 
Breadth of contrast between original en- 
vironment and that found in the United 
States— such as is found with rural people who 
have migrated to industrial cities. Climatic 
and political contrasts are often as important 
as are the divergence in social, health, and re- 
ligious concepts and in inherited customs. 
(2) Recency of arrival, (a) of the large or 
matrix group, (b) of the family to join that 
group, or (c) of the individual to join the 
family. (3) Occupational opportunity. (4) 
Degree of social sophistication of the indi- 
viduals, by which term is meant the variety 
of previous experience which tends to de- 
velop a flexibility in self-adaptation (Educa- 



215 



Immigrants and Foreign Communities 



tion is a factor in this). (5) Age of indi- 
viduals when emigration takes place. (6) 
Personality traits, stability and strength of 
character. (7) Classification as to status 
under the immigration laws. (8) Language 
facility. Language ignorance does not in 
itself constitute a problem, but it makes 
every other problem more acute by acting as 
a block to communication and by hindering 
intelligent discussion of that problem. 

History and Present Status. The field of 
unadjusted peoples is so broad and rela- 
tively young that its social activities are 
still in a somewhat undifferentiated state. 
The tendency toward functional division of 
work, common in most fields of social work, 
is in this field checked by the necessity of 
recognizing another exceedingly important 
division imposed naturally by history and by 
the sensibilities and inheritances of the 
clientele to be served — the division by na- 
tionality. This is termed the cultural and 
psychological division of work. It is a char- 
acteristic of this field that both the functional 
and the cultural-psychological divisions are 
followed at the same time and in the same 
organization. 

The divisions follow nationality lines. 
Representative persons of the different 
nationalities are employed who have lived 
the life of their nationality and so realize 
the social values and attitudes held impor- 
tant by their groups. Having also the lan- 
guage facility, they can deal with them 
directly, as person to person, on a basis of 
dignified communication. To the foreign 
man or woman this goes far toward estab- 
lishing that sense of mutual respect which is 
so essential to quality in social work. 

These "nationality" or "foreign lan- 
guage" workers constitute a comparatively 
new and an increasing group in the company 
of employed social workers of the United 
States. In general they have pursued their 
mission ot interpreting America to the foreign 
born and the foreign born to America with 
marked devotion and intelligence. Increas- 
ingly they are seeking to add to the na- 

21 



tionality or ethnic knowledge, which is their 
foundation equipment, education and train- 
ing in American social work. Practically 
every agency in this field associates the 
nationality workers with native American 
workers whose equipment is technical and 
philosophic and whose work follows func- 
tional divisions. 

The functional division of activities com- 
prises the following: 

(1) Immigration and Emigration Indi- 
vidual Service and Social Case Work. The 
purpose of such work is to aid immigrants at 
the points of entry to the country, both at 
land ports and seaports, to solve adequately 
problems arising from illness, other physical 
or mental disability, lack of funds, loss of 
papers, confusion in testimony, irregularity 
in visas, uncertainty of classification, dis- 
ruption of family, prolonged detention, and 
other accidents and inhibitions suffered by 
immigrants or relatives connected with the 
processes of admission, debarment, and de- 
portation, as administered under United 
States immigration, public health, and de- 
portation laws. 

Travelers aid in disembarking, in con- 
tinuance of the journey, and at the ultimate 
destination, with many types of individual 
service along the way, constitutes an addi- 
tional general activity. 

(2) International Case Work. Its pur- 
pose is to aid individuals and families in 
securing adequate social and legal informa- 
tion preparatory to migration or repatria- 
tion of themselves or of relatives or of 
friends; to aid in the sound solution of a 
great variety of individual and family prob- 
lems—involving health, dependency, do- 
mestic adjustments, legal settlement of 
estates, reunion of families, and guardian- 
ship of minors, during and long after migra- 
tion—where action is required in two or more 
countries. International case service in 
behalf of the needs or obligations of persons 
in this country can now be had in approxi- 
mately 25 other countries. 

(3) Foreign Communities Work. This is 
the largest division of the field and embraces 



Immigrants and Foreign Communities 



many distinct subdivisions, as follows: (a) 
Social care of newly arrived immigrants in 
the community of ultimate destination; 
friendly visiting in the homes; and assis- 
tance in early adjustments to food, clothing, 
health standards, employment, and new 
associations. (b) Immigrants' protective 
work and technical case work to prevent 
exploitation or to secure rights of individuals 
who through their ignorance have become 
victims of exploitation by illegal acts or by 
imposition, (c) Family social work dealing 
with problems in which a "foreign-ism" 
constitutes an important factor or which 
require for their solution a knowledge of the 
foreigners' point of view which can only be 
secured and dealt with by a nationality 
worker. A majority of such cases are carried 
jointly with a family welfare agency, (d) 
Technical migration case work. This con- 
stitutes that part of an immigration port of 
entry case, or of an international case, which 
must be handled through interview and coun- 
sel in the community. A majority of such 
cases are carried jointly with an immigration 
port of entry case worker, or with an inter- 
national migration bureau, (e) Interpre- 
tative work. In this an agency acts as repre- 
sentative on behalf of foreigners in legal or 
in business matters not involving the prob- 
lems already mentioned, or serves as language 
interpreter for public or private agencies of 
any character when to do so aids the foreigner 
to understand, to be understood, and to act 
more intelligently. (f) Development of 
group activities, recreational and educa- 
tional in character, in order to restore normal 
associative experiences to which individuals 
can be attracted. Subjects covered by these 
groups include history, civics, current events, 
child care, parental education, home nursing, 
political discussions, culture exchange, lan- 
guage study, handcraft, domestic arts, social 
music, various philosophical studies, and 
English teaching, when public education 
facilities are inadequate or inappropriate. 
Often adult education goes on within a for- 
eign language, (g) Participation in and aid 
to the spontaneous expressions of group life 



of the nationality communities themselves. 
Great national societies have been organized 
by foreign groups for purposes of providing 
sickness and death benefits, for greater social 
security and social intercourse, and for con- 
serving the traditions, history, and culture 
concepts of their own nationalities. These 
try to provide social outlets within the 
parental influence for the younger generation 
and also to promote an understanding of their 
group by Americans. Many of these groups 
offer cordial response to attention from social 
workers. (h) Organization of the com- 
munity with events designed to associate 
leaders of the different nationality groups 
with one another, and Americans with all 
of them, upon common projects of broad 
interest to the whole city or area. Favorite 
among such projects have become interna- 
tional exhibits of handcrafts or home arts; 
Old World village exhibits; festivals with 
traditions rooted in folk-ways of the Old 
World; music; pageantry; and dramatic 
presentations. 

(4) Social Aid in the Process of Changing 
Political Status. This is usually termed 
naturalization work or citizenship aid. Car- 
ried on in seven states as a public service 
under state departments of education in con- 
nection with adult education, it is also an 
important activity in several national and 
four independent local agencies. It involves 
careful interviews, investigation of facts, 
interpretation of law, and training for citizen- 
ship, and often some case work on special 
difficulties which are uncovered in the citizen- 
ship work. It also includes goodwill gather- 
ings which contribute to the social integration 
of foreign with native groups. 

(5) Education of the General Public. This 
aims to bring about more sympathetic and 
social attitudes and relations toward the 
more recent foreign groups. "Interpreting 
the foreign born to America" is regarded by 
both public and private social agencies as an 
important part of their activities. It is 
promoted by exhibits, conferences, the furn- 
ishing of lectures and resource material for 
students, releases to the public press of inter- 



217 



Immigrants and Foreign Communities 



pretative articles of general interest, and pub- 
lications in the form of bulletins and memo- 
randa giving accurate information on current 
situations and the results of brief studies. 

(6) Legislative Activities. These endeavor 
to bring about a more social policy in regard 
to the enactment and administration of im- 
migration, naturalization, and deportation 
laws. Agencies have united in work in con- 
nection with certain outstanding issues such 
as those raised in the separated-families 
campaign of 1928, the deportation legisla- 
tion of 1929, and so forth. 

(7) Social Research. Although no single 
organization is devoted to research in this 
field, the field itself attracts a great many 
searchers after social truth. Investigations, 
studies, and analyses are constantly going 
forward, both by the agencies active in the 
field and by representatives of departments 
of sociology, psychology, and economics of 
many universities. 

Of the 33 different agencies carrying some 
kind of social work program in the field of 
immigrant social work there are 1 1 which 
have well defined programs, with national 
staff, offices, and budgets devoted entirely to 
this field. These can roughly be listed in 
two categories as follows: (1) Five whose 
activities are both national in scope and in- 
fluence, and which have bureaus at ports of 
entry, and also foster a series of local units 
which maintain continuous social work in the 
foreign communities with committees, spe- 
cial equipment, and a considerable number 
of employed workers for this purpose espe- 
cially. These agencies are the Department 
of Service for Foreign-born of the National 
Council of Jewish Women (formerly Depart- 
ment of Immigrant Aid), with local units in 
this field in 25 cities and volunteer workers 
in a large number of other places; Interna- 
tional Institute branches of the Young Wo- 
men's Christian Associations in 55 cities and 
towns, with national headquarters at the 
Department of Immigration and Foreign 
Communities of the National Board of 
Young Women's Christian Associations; the 
Italian Welfare League, with local commit- 



tees in three cities and volunteer workers in 
others; Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant 
Aid Society, with six branches; and the 
North American Civic League, operating 
chiefly in New England states. (2) Six 
agencies which also are national in scope and 
influence but have no special local units 
with employed staff in other cities — the 
Foreign Language Information Service; In- 
ternational Migration Service, American 
Branch (with international headquarters in 
Geneva, Switzerland); League for American 
Citizenship; Immigrants' Protective League; 
Immigrant Publication Society; and the Im- 
migration Bureaus of the National Catholic 
Welfare Conference. (This maintains a port 
bureau also.) 

In addition there are perhaps five other 
national organizations whose main work lies 
in other fields but whose activities touch 
foreign-born individuals at some special 
point of migration or at some single point 
of interest, and which accordingly carry as a 
part of another program certain special ser- 
vices for immigrants. Such are the local 
Travelers Aid societies at port cities which 
protect arriving immigrants and connect 
them with care all along their travel route; 
also the National Council of Young Men's 
Christian Associations, in connection with 
its industrial program; also the Salvation 
Army, in connection with its immigration 
and colonization work. There are further 
perhaps six of the large church organizations 
which maintain activities in this field, either 
as a supplement to the work of the church or 
as a social contribution from the service 
motive of the church. Reference is made 
here only to those which are maintained on 
some sort of social work basis. Among these 
are the Immigration Bureau of the National 
Catholic Welfare Conference (previously 
mentioned in Group 2); Foreign-born Ameri- 
cans Division, National Council Protestant 
Episcopal Church; and the Board of Nation- 
al Missions of the Presbyterian Church. 

State agencies are found as bureaus or 
divisions in State Departments of Public 
Welfare, or of Labor, or of Education. Social 



218 



Immigrants and Foreign Communities 



work for the protection of immigrants, or for 
aid to citizenship or connected with adult 
education, is maintained by the departments 
of seven states. There are also some half 
dozen local agencies working independently 
of either state or national affiliation. Three 
of these are connected with municipal boards 
of education. 

There should be mentioned also the activ- 
ities of several of the independent national- 
ity societies which provide aid, protection, 
and indispensable recreational resources to 
their fellow countrymen and their families. 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
The number of full-time, employed workers 
engaged in some form of social activity in 
this field can be estimated at well over 400. 
It is impossible to estimate what proportion 
of these are trained social workers according 
to the standards of the American Association 
of Social Workers. There is a great diver- 
gence in the requirements of the different 
agencies, and as yet there is no general train- 
ing plan. A basic training in social work 
is, however, being increasingly demanded, 
largely through the work of certain national 
organizations. Courses covering such sub- 
jects as races and peoples, mobility of popu- 
lations, migrations, immigration of the 
United States, the international aspects of 
immigration, assimilation, and nationality 
"backgrounds" are given in 10 of the leading 
schools of social work, and also in a large 
number of colleges and universities. Shorter 
intensive courses are also given by certain 
national organizations for the training of 
candidates for positions in their local units. 

Developments and Events, igig. The year 
1929 marked an epoch in the nation's im- 
migration policy. The system of controlling 
annual immigration by a population percent- 
age quota became more deeply entrenched 
through the final triumph, after three pre- 
vious defeats, of the new principle of fixing 
the quotas by computations as to relative 
strengths of "national origins." That the 
numerical proportion of the different quotas 



was considerably changed was of less signifi- 
cance than the fact of the adoption of the 
national origins theory as a supposedly 
"scientific" basis for the regulation of im- 
migration. This whole issue was the center 
of as bitter a controversy as has ever raged 
around immigration questions, and it un- 
doubtedly had its effects on the social psy- 
chology of the foreign-born population. 

Two federal laws of significance to this 
field of work were passed during the year. 
The first (Public No. 962, 70th Congress) 
permitted aliens who had entered the coun- 
try before 1921 for whom no record of ad- 
mission exists to register and by complying 
with specified regulations to receive "legal- 
entry status." Social agencies worked for 
this bill (endeavoring, however, to sub- 
stitute 1924 for 1 92 1 as the specified year) 
because as far as it went it removed one of 
the most serious obstacles to naturalization, 
and in so doing aided the further reuniting of 
immigrant families. The acquisition of 
citizenship secures the right to claim non- 
quota admission of wife and children; but 
three-fourths of the countries of Europe are 
now restricted to so small an annual quota 
that unless individuals have the privilege of 
coming as non-quota immigrants, thousands 
of families have no hope of reunion. The 
second act (Public No. 1018, 70th Congress) 
dealt with deportations. It was actively op- 
posed by a large number of social agencies 
because it visited upon non-criminal persons 
the excessive penalty of banishment and 
exile, and because in effect its application 
was retroactive. Persons deported years 
before the passage of this act for infringe- 
ments at that time regarded as minor, by 
this act became permanently denied any 
right of re-entry and liable to prosecution if 
attempting to do so. Although originally 
intended to rid the country of certain crimi- 
nal groups, the act as passed contained cer- 
tain terms which have led the social agencies 
to regard it as unjust and destructive, and 
they have announced their determination to 
secure its repeal. 

In the activities of social work the develop- 



219 



Immigrants and Foreign Communities 



ments of the year were in direction of greater 
recognition and use of leadership from among 
the nationality groups; more emphasis upon 
culture and creative-art interests, expressive 
of the groups' own aspirations; the opening 
of new centers and programs for Mexicans, 
a marked development in many states; re- 
newed attention to naturalization aid; ef- 
forts to secure better appropriations for 
boards of education for adult English and 
citizenship instruction; and efforts to so- 
cialize the naturalization processes. In the 
course of the year a new organization was 
formed, the National Council on Naturali- 
zation and Citizenship, made up of indi- 
viduals and workers from national, state, 
and local agencies. Its purpose is to study 
naturalization practices and organized na- 
turalization aid, and to coordinate efforts for 
creation of a more constructive national 
policy. In Oregon a new public department 
was created for Americanization and for ad- 
vancing the education of adult immigrants. 
New courses on social fusion and immigrant 
backgrounds were added to several univer- 
sities and new sections organized in several 
state conferences of social work. 

Public opinion showed two distinct trends 
during the year. One was a heightened in- 
terest in the international bearings of immi- 
gration questions, and of the treatment in 
the United States of the nationals of other 
countries. The other was in the realm of 
economics and labor. Organized labor's 
attitude became increasingly hostile to 
Mexicans. There were also local outbreaks 
in California against Filipino workmen. The 
nation-wide unemployment situation bore 
heavily upon the foreign born, partly because 
a high percentage of unskilled workers are of 
the more recent arrivals to the country and 
partly because public opinion supported the 
idea that citizens should have preference in 
opportunities for work. Aliens were thrown 
out of jobs so that citizens could get them. 
Three additional states passed laws prohibit- 
ing the employment of non-citizens on public 
works of every nature. 

Among the studies in progress during the 



year were a continuation of the Oriental 
Second Generation Study at Leland Stanford 
University, backed by an appropriation of 
the Carnegie Foundation; a study of the 
second generation girl by the Commission on 
First Generation Americans of the National 
Conference of International Institutes; a 
study of The Mexicans in the North and East, 
by Robert N. McLean, to be published by 
the Home Missions Council; a study of 
Mexicans in the Southwest, under Max 
Sylvius Handman, University of Texas; a 
study entitled The New Hegira — A Study of 
Mexicans in Transit, by the Four-city Com- 
mittee of International Institutes of San 
Antonio, Gary, St. Paul, and St. Louis; and 
three special studies on Crime and the For- 
eign-horn for the National Commission on 
Law Observance and Enforcement by Paul 
Taylor, University of California; Max Sylvius 
Handman, University of Texas, and Jesse F. 
Steiner, Tulane University. 

Less formal studies of the year, accessible 
in typed copy and mimeograph form at 
offices of organizations sponsoring them, 
were : A Study of Mentality of Second Genera- 
tion {Oriental) School Children, by Reginald 
Bell, Leland Stanford University; A Social 
Audit of Nationalities of Pittsburgh, Inter- 
national Institute of Young Women's Chris- 
tian Association, Pittsburgh; A History of 
Foreign Populations of Philadelphia, Inter- 
national Institute of Young Women's Chris- 
tian Association, Philadelphia; population 
studies of the same source in Buffalo, Mil- 
waukee, and Niagara Falls; and a study on 
Citi{enship and Naturalisation of Married 
Women, by Sophonisba P. Breckinridge, Uni- 
versity of Chicago, joint project with the 
National League of Women Voters. 

Consult: Bureau of the Census, United States 
Department of Commerce: Immigrants and Their 
Children (Monograph VII), 1920; annual reports 
of the Commissioner General of Immigration and 
the Commissioner of Naturalization in the United 
States Department of Labor, and of the Surgeon 
General of the Public Health Service, United 
States Department of the Treasury; Bureau of 
Immigration, United States Department of Labor: 



220 



Indians 



Immigration Laws and Rules of January i, 1930; 
Drachsler, Julius: Democracy and Assimilation, 
1920; Abbot, Edith: Historical Aspects of Im- 
migration, 1926, and Immigration: Select Docu- 
ments and Case Records, 1924; and the following 
Carnegie Americanization Studies: Thompson, 
Frank V.: Schooling of the Immigrant, 1920; 
Daniels, John: American via the Neighborhood, 
1920; Park and Miller: Old World Traits Trans- 
planted, 1921; Davis, Michael M., Jr.: Immi- 
grant Health and the Community, 1921; Speek, 
Peter A.: A Stake in the Land, 192 1; Breckin- 
ridge, S. P.: New Homes for Old, 1921; Leiserson, 
William M.: Adjusting Immigrant and Industry, 
1924; Park, Robert E.: The Immigrant Press and 
Its Control, 1922; Claghorn, Kate Holladay: 
The Immigrant' s Day in Court, 1923; and Gavit, 
John P.: Americans by Choice, 1922. Consult 
also: Brunner, Edmund de S.: Immigrant 
Farmers and Their Children (Institute of Social 
and Religious Research), 1929; Galitzi, Christine: 
Study of Assimilation Among Roumanians of the 
United States (Columbia University Press), 1929; 
Taylor, Paul: Mexican Labor in the United 
States; Imperial Valley, 1928, Valley of the South 
Platte, Colorado, 1929, and Mexican Labor in the 
United States; Migration Statistics, 1929; and 
Women's Bureau, United States Department of 
Labor: The Immigrant Woman and Her fob 
(Bulletin No. 74), 1929. 

Edith Terry Bremer 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 587. 

INCURABLES. See Chronic Diseases. 



INDETERMINATE SENTENCE. 
Parole for Adults. 



See 



INDIANS. Social and educational work for 
the Indians of continental United States has 
been almost exclusively a function of the 
national government. Prior to the Grant 
administration it was organized primarily 
upon a military basis. The so-called "peace 
policy" was inaugurated at that time, and 
subsequently emphasis has been placed on 
education, social development, and assimila- 
tion into the predominant civilization. Refer- 
ence is made in the preceding and throughout 



the article only to the so-called "restricted 
Indians," namely, Indians who are wards of 
the Nation and have not been declared 
competent to manage their own property. 

Under the Secretary of the Interior the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs in the De- 
partment of the Interior has the management 
of all Indian affairs and of all matters arising 
out of Indian relations. In the total num- 
ber of Indians reported by the Indian Office 
— a little over 300,000— there are undoubt- 
edly included many persons of mixed blood, 
probably from 75,000 to 100,000, who might 
be recorded by the census office as white 
and who have little connection with the 
Indian Office except in property matters, 
past or present. The number of Indians 
with whom that office deals in matters in- 
volving social and educational service is 
generally placed at from 200,000 to 225,000. 
There are federal Indian agencies in 25 
different states. The states to which 10,000 
Indians or more were accredited are the 
following, though by no means all accredited 
to a given state reside in it: 

Oklahoma 95,5 18 

Arizona 46,350 

New Mexico 27,583 

South Dakota 23,518 

California 19,060 

Minnesota 1 5,573 

Montana 14,043 

Washington 12,881 

Wisconsin 1 1,530 

North Dakota 10,526 

Through the Indian Office, primarily, the 
national government renders all govern- 
mental service and does for its Indian wards 
many things which the average white citi- 
zen does for himself or pays to have done 
for him, or which are done for him when the 
need arises by private social agencies. In so 
far as restricted Indians are possessed of 
property secured to them by government ac- 
tion, either individual or tribal, it is largely 
administered for them through the Office of 
Indian Affairs and their use of this property 
is controlled by the guardian government. 
How this government control is exercised is 
a matter of great consequence in the social 
and economic advancement of the Indians. 



221 



Indians 



The activities of the Indian Office most 
directly related to the field of social work, 
arranged roughly in the order of their adop- 
tion, are (i) Maintenance of law and order, 
originating in the necessity for conquering 
the Indians and preventing them from inter- 
fering with white settlers; (2) administering 
relief, originating in issuing rations to able- 
bodied adult Indians as a war measure after 
they were suppressed and placed on reserva- 
tions; (3) furnishing farmers, blacksmiths, 
field matrons, and other employes to help 
Indians learn a new manner of life; (4) 
establishing schools, with the congregate 
boarding school as the dominant type, sup- 
ported in part by the labor of the children 
and conceived in the belief that it was neces- 
sary to separate Indian children from their 
families and their Indian culture and tribal 
relations and make white people of them; 
(5) substituting individual ownership of land 
for tribal ownership in an effort to make 
Indians agriculturists; (6) medical relief; 
(7) preventive medicine and public health 
administration; and (8) vocational guidance 
and placement. 

The main reliance of the Indian Office for 
social adjustment has been its school system. 
In recent years the wise practice has been 
followed, where practicable, of placing Indian 
children in regular public schools near their 
homes. Of the 67,500 Indian children in 
school in 1929, more than one-half (34,000) 
were in public schools. About 26,000 were in 
national government schools, and of this 
number 21,600 were in boarding schools and 
only 4,400 odd in government day schools 
near their homes. A little over 7,000 were 
in mission schools, which are almost always 
boarding schools. 

The Indian Office now maintains 19 non- 
reservation boarding schools, 55 reservation 
boarding schools, 6 sanatorium boarding 
schools, and 131 day schools. In the board- 
ing schools the enrollment (24,585) exceeds 
the capacity (20,905). The boarding schools 
are congregate institutions of the old type, 
and as a rule present the usual evils of institu- 
tions of an earlier generation. The diet and 



the provision for the care of the children have 
been grossly inadequate. Home economics 
teaching is the one field where the touch of 
modern training and experience is evident. 
On the reservations the work of the public 
health nurses is the most noteworthy sign of 
progress, although the medical service as a 
whole has improved in late years. At some 
reservations superintendents are making a 
real effort at agricultural education and com- 
munity development. 

At the request of Secretary of the Interior, 
Hubert Work, the Institute for Government 
Research in 1926- 1927 made an independent 
survey of the social and economic conditions 
of the Indians, employing for the purpose a 
staff of specialists selected for this particular 
project. Its report, The Problem of Indian 
Administration, was published in 1929. It 
showed that practically every activity under- 
taken for Indians was below the reasonable 
minimum standards of progressive organi- 
zations doing comparable work for other 
classes of the community. The chief ex- 
planation lay in the fact that the government 
had not established and maintained proper 
standards of training and experience for its 
personnel. Salaries were sub-standard and 
working conditions trying. The surprising 
thing was not that many employes were 
not equipped for their tasks, but that there 
was a fair proportion of good ones struggling 
against difficulties. Many employes showed 
little or no sympathy for or understanding of 
Indians, were gruff and inconsiderate in their 
dealings with them, and were apparently 
ignorant of the fundamental psychological 
factors involved in dealing with people. 

On the staff at the Washington office are 
competent persons in the fields of medicine, 
public health nursing, and home economics, 
all fairly new employes. Recently important 
additions have been made that permit adding 
agricultural extension work, elementary and 
secondary education, and personnel adminis- 
tration. A competent statistician has for 
many months labored under great difficulties, 
which apparently are clearing up. The office 
does not have competent persons in the 



222 



Indians 



field of family case work, community de- 
velopment, and recreation. To the survey 
staff of the Institute for Government Re- 
search it seemed almost incredible that a 
national agency concerned with such a prob- 
lem of social adjustment could be so com- 
pletely out of touch with modern develop- 
ments in education and social service. 

The most significant indication of progress 
in the field has been the employment of 
public health nurses and their substitution 
for untrained field matrons. So far as is 
known to the author, however, the Indian 
Office has never required training for any of 
its workers in a recognized school of social 
work or in a recognized social agency. There 
are probably hundreds of positions which re- 
quire the knowledge and skill in dealing 
with people which training in social case work 
aims to supply. Teachers for Indian schools, 
particularly those in boarding schools, need 
familiarity with the methods which chil- 
dren's agencies have developed. Closer 
cooperation between the federal Children's 
Bureau and the Indian Office is one way in 
which this may possibly be brought about. 

The Board of Indian Commissioners is an 
official agency of the government which 
social workers might call a board of visitors. 
It is composed of distinguished citizens with 
a deep interest in and wide knowledge of 
Indian matters. They serve without pay. 
Apparently no effort has been made to have 
the membership of the Board representative 
of the several professions that are involved in 
Indian administration. It therefore issues 
general reports prepared by laymen, rather 
than technical reports by persons especially 
equipped by training and experience to inves- 
tigate particular phases of Indian administra- 
tion. The membership of the Board does 
not at present include anyone of outstanding 
training and experience in the general field 
of social work. 

The greatest forward step during 1929 was 
President Hoover's action in drafting for 
the Commissionership Charles J. Rhoads, 
and for the Assistant Commissionership 
J. Henry Scattergood, both Friends from 

15 223 



Philadelphia. Mr. Rhoads, at the time of 
his appointment, was President of the Indian 
Rights Association and had for years been 
identified with its work. With the support of 
the President and of Secretary Wilbur of the 
Interior Department, they are expected to 
reorganize and modernize the Indian Office. 
Appointed on July 1, 1929, they were mainly 
concerned during the remainder of the year 
in matters involving appropriations. Addi- 
tional appropriations of almost four and one- 
half million are apparently to be granted, 
which will permit of marked improvement of 
the Indian Service. 

Since supplying the social needs of the 
Indians has been regarded as the function of 
the national government almost exclusively, 
no secular organization of national scope has 
been created to do it, though missionary 
agencies have, of course, done something in 
this field. The Indian Division of the Young 
Women's Christian Association has particu- 
larly recognized the need for social service. 
Several national social agencies, notably the 
National Tuberculosis Association, American 
Red Cross, and American Child Health 
Association, have at times cooperated with 
the Indian Office and conducted special 
projects. The Boy Scouts and the Camp 
Fire Girls are planning to extend their work 
with the Indians during 1930. The National 
Conference of Social Work at San Francisco 
created a special Committeeon Indians which 
will have a place on its program in 1930, and 
the General Federation of Women's Clubs 
has a special Indian Welfare Committee. 

The Indian Rights Association, the Ameri- 
can Indian Defense Association, and the 
Eastern Association on Indian Affairs are 
the three leading organizations particularly 
concerned with Indians. The Eastern Asso- 
ciation has conducted demonstrations in 
public health nursing among the Pueblo 
Indians in New Mexico, and the Indian 
Defense Association has supplied counsel for 
the Pueblos before the Pueblo Land Board, 
but none of these organizations is concerned 
primarily with the social needs of Indians. 
Their chief concern is to secure a square deal 



Industrial Accidents 



for them in matters of legislation and ad- 
ministration. 

Although the Indian problem lies largely 
in the field of social work, it has been little 
affected by modern progressive thought in 
this field. Trained social workers are at 
present barely represented among the 5,000 
employes under the supervision of the Indian 
Office. That Office has not sought them, 
hitherto, and with salaries and working 
conditions such as they have been it possibly 
could not have obtained them had it realized 
that they were needed. Under the new ad- 
ministration it is hoped that a call will be 
issued for socially trained people for the 
different positions. If such a call is issued, 
an opportunity will be presented for con- 
structive social work in behalf of a race which 
has been oppressed and submerged since 
the advent of the white man in America. 

Consult: Meriam and associates: The Problem 
of Indian Administration (Institute for Govern- 
ment Research of the Brookings Institution), 
1928, and summary, printed separately, 1928; 
Schmeckebier, Laurence F.: The Office of Indian 
Affairs, 1927; Wissler, Clark: The American 
Indian — An Introduction to the Anthropology of 
the New World, 1922; Hodge, F. W.: Handbook 
of American Indians North of Mexico (Smith- 
sonian Institution), 1907-1910; Lindquist, G. E. 
E.: The Red Man in the United States, 1923; 
Leupp, F. E.: The Indian and His Problem, 1910; 
Lake Mohonk Conference on the Indian and 
Other Dependent Peoples: Proceedings, 1883— 
1915, and 1929; and annual reports of the Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs and the Board of In- 
dian Commissioners. 

Lewis Meriam 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 588. 

INDUSTRIAL ACCIDENTS present one 
of the most serious problems which the 
modern machine age has developed. This 
article deals with that problem and with the 
efforts made for its solution. For a closely 
related problem, not considered here, see 
Occupational Diseases. 



There are no complete statistics on this 
subject for the United States in relation to 
any important industry. Statistics from 
individual states as to accidents reported 
under their workmen's compensation acts 
are not comparable, and therefore cannot 
be combined in a total for the country as 
a whole. The most reliable figures have 
been collected by the United States Bureau 
of Labor Statistics since 1907 for the iron 
and steel industry, by the Federal Bureau of 
Mines since the same year for mining and 
quarrying, and by the Interstate Commerce 
Commission since 1888 for railways. The 
United States Bureau of Labor Statistics 
estimated that 23,000 fatal accidents oc- 
curred in industry in 1926, and in addition 
2,500,000 non-fatal accidents, causing dis- 
abilities which lasted beyond the day on 
which the accident occurred. An estimate by 
the National Safety Council for 1928 was 
24,000 fatal accidents and 3,250,000 non- 
fatal accidents of the same specified degree. 

History and Present Status of Accident Pre- 
vention. It was inevitable that so serious a 
public problem would lead to legislation. 
The earliest law requiring accidents to be 
reported was enacted in Massachusetts in 
1886. Child labor laws, women's labor laws, 
laws requiring physical examinations and 
specified physical qualifications of em- 
ployes entering extremely hazardous occupa- 
tions, and a few laws which prohibit the use 
of dangerous substances, all have accident 
prevention as one of their purposes. But the 
most important laws dealing with accidents 
are those which seek to regulate the condi- 
tions of employment so as to make them 
reasonably safe. In 1877 Massachusetts 
passed the first law requiring factory safe- 
guards. It provided for the guarding of 
belting, shafting, and gearing, prohibited 
the cleaning of moving machinery, required 
elevators and hoist-ways to be protected, 
and called for a sufficient means of egress in 
case of fire. Such provisions have since be- 
come numerous in the laws of the country. 
In 1907 Massachusetts again initiated a 



224 



Industrial Accidents 



new type of regulation by creating a Board 
of Boiler Rules, with representatives of the 
boiler manufacturers, insurance companies, 
and those using boilers, as well as several 
experts. After public hearings the Board 
was to formulate rules for the construction, 
installation, operation, and inspection of 
steam boilers; and these rules had the full 
force of law. The advantage of this method 
of regulation was that the legislature did not 
have to legislate in detail concerning indus- 
trial hazards. That is a well-nigh hopeless 
task, since the legislature cannot easily 
avail itself of expert knowledge, and indus- 
trial technique changes rapidly. In 191 1 
the Wisconsin legislature passed a law re- 
quiring that all places of employment be 
reasonably safe, and directing the Industrial 
Commission to fix standards of safety. This 
was the real beginning of what is now known 
as safety-code legislation. Other states 
enacted similar provisions, notably New 
Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
Massachusetts, and California. 

Not only must statutes or codes be en- 
forced, to be effective, but employers must be 
instructed as to how best to comply with 
them. Factory inspectors are therefore 
attached to most state bureaus of labor. At 
the present time every state in the country 
has some agency for the enforcement of its 
safety legislation, although in some states 
this agency has other functions as well. 

Among the most important of private 
activities for the reduction of accidents is 
the "safety first" movement, started by the 
railroads. The United States Steel Corpora- 
tion, in 1 90 1, was the first industrial es- 
tablishment which undertook organized 
safety work. In 1907 the Association of 
Iron and Steel Electrical Engineers organized 
a safety committee and later formed the 
Cooperative Safety Congress which was 
finally merged in the National Safety Coun- 
cil. See Safety Education. The American 
Museum of Natural History set up a safety 
exhibit in 1907 under the auspices of the 
American Institute of Social Service. In 
191 1 this display developed into the Ameri- 



can Museum of Safety. Casualty insurance 
companies also undertake safety work in an 
effort to reduce losses under their policies. 
Their greatest problem is the small plant. 
Large plants are in a position to employ 
safety engineers and develop organized 
safety activities, but the small plant often 
finds it difficult to make the financial out- 
lay necessary to bring about safe working 
conditions. 

In spite of all public and private efforts 
for accident prevention, there are probably 
more accidents in industry today, in propor- 
tion to man hours worked, than occurred 10 
years ago. States having workmen's com- 
pensation acts observed a marked increase of 
accidents from 19 14 to 1920, attributed to 
the wartime influx of inexperienced workers 
into industry, particularly women and per- 
sons from the rural districts. However, as 
the number of accidents continued to mount 
steadily after the war, the cause is probably 
to be found in the increased intensity of in- 
dustrial activity, the concentration of em- 
ployes in larger numbers, the use of larger 
machinery, the handling of larger units of 
material, and the speeding up of all opera- 
tions. 

History and Present Status of Workmen 's 
Compensation Laws. Such laws came into 
existence in this country because of the 
conviction that employes were not ade- 
quately protected by the statutory and 
common law liability of employers for 
injuries suffered by their workmen, par- 
ticularly since under such laws negligence 
by the employer must be proved. Em- 
ployer's liability had, in fact, fallen into 
disrepute because of the expensive litigation, 
long delays, and discord it entailed, and be- 
cause it was usually impossible in modern 
industry definitely to allocate personal re- 
sponsibility for accidents. Workmen's com- 
pensation acts entirely eliminated this ques- 
tion of negligence and provided definite and 
immediate benefits for the injured. Such 
acts have a great value in providing an im- 
mediate financial incentive to the employer 



225 



Industrial Accidents 



to reduce accidents. The first law passed in 
the country was the federal act of 1908, 
applying only to a few federal employes. 
The first constitutional compensation acts 
of state governments were passed in 191 1, 
and at the present time there are only four 
states which do not have such laws. These 
states are Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi, 
and South Carolina. 

Existing laws differ widely in their appli- 
cation. Most of them exclude agriculture 
and domestic service and establishments with 
a small number of employes. Practically 
all laws require payment of medical costs, 
and payment of a specified percentage of the 
average weekly wage during temporary dis- 
ability. Most laws also have a definite 
schedule of benefits for various types of 
permanent disability, although some states 
compensate permanent disabilities on the 
basis of reduced earning capacity, as evi- 
denced by wages which the injured employe 
is able to earn after his injury and those 
which he earned before. The laws also 
allow death benefits, the amount varying 
with the extent of dependency. Most 
states permit employers to be exempt from 
carrying insurance upon proper showing of 
financial ability, and usually also permit 
them a choice as to the type of insurance 
carriers they wish to have cover their risk, 
if they desire to insure it. A few states, 
however, have state insurance funds to which 
employers are required to make payments 
according to the character of their opera- 
tions. 

Most compensation acts are administered 
by commissions rather than by courts. No 
state has ever changed from commission to 
court administration, but many states which 
once had court administration have changed 
to administration by commissions. The 
obvious advantages of the latter are more 
careful supervision of settlements, greater 
simplicity of procedure, speed in disposition 
of cases, and reduced cost. The most fun- 
damental advantage is that a commission, as 
a specialized agency, develops expert knowl- 
edge and expert methods which the courts, 



dealing with a variety of subjects, are unable 
to develop. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. The out- 
standing event in this field in 1929 was the 
adoption of a workmen's compensation act in 
North Carolina. Studies in progress during 
the year include the following: The adminis- 
tration of workmen's compensation laws in 
relation to injured minors, by the United 
States Children's Bureau; double compen- 
sation cases of minors, by the New York 
State Labor Department; industrial acci- 
dents in the United States, by the United 
States Bureau of Labor Statistics; a survey 
of the entire field of labor law administra- 
tion, including the administration of work- 
men's compensation acts, by the American 
Association for Labor Legislation; and a 
special study of the subject of workmen's 
compensation, including administration, by 
the Commonwealth Fund, under the direc- 
tion of Walter F. Dodd, professor of law, 
Yale University. 

Consult: Beyer, D. S.: Industrial Accident 
Prevention, 1928; Downey, E. H.: Workmen s 
Compensation, 1924: Bowers, E. L.: Is it Safe to 
Work?— A Study of Industrial Accidents, 1930; 
National Safety Council: Proceedings, 1928; 
Woodbury, R. M.: Workers' Health and Safety— 
A Statistical Program, 1927; Michelbacher and 
Nial: Workmen's Compensation Insurance, 1925; 
McCahan, David: State Insurance in the United 
States, 1929; International Association of Indus- 
trial Accident Boards and Commissions: Pro- 
ceedings (published as bulletins of the United 
States Bureau of Labor Statistics); and United 
States Bureau of Labor Statistics: Statistics of 
Industrial Accidents in the United States to the End 
of iQ2j (Bulletin No. 490), 1929. 

Fred M. Wilcox 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 588. 

INDUSTRIAL DISEASES. See Occupa- 
tional Diseases. 



NDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. 
cational Education. 



See Vo- 



226 



Industrial Insurance 



INDUSTRIAL HOMEWORK. See Home- 
work in Industry. 

INDUSTRIAL HYGIENE. See Occupa- 
tional Diseases. 

INDUSTRIAL INSURANCE is a term ap- 
plied to that form of life insurance which is 
specially devised for wage-earners. It dif- 
fers from life insurance of the usual type in 
the fact that the policies are small, the pre- 
miums are collected by agents at the homes 
of the insured, and are generally payable 
weekly or at other short intervals. Naturally 
also the cost of such insurance to the insured 
is greater. The growth of industrial insur- 
ance since its establishment in England after 
1850 has been very great. In 1928 there 
were 85,000,000 policies in force in United 
States companies for an amount of over 16 
million dollars. 

Most, but by no means all, of the insur- 
ance carried by families in the care of social 
agencies is of the industrial type. To many 
families such insurance means, chiefly, 
provision for a decent burial. In helping 
them meet their insurance problems, the 
case worker must give advice on the relative 
costs and values of endowment and whole- 
life insurance; how to conserve values from 
lapsed policies; on the possibility of con- 
version to cheaper policy plans; and the 
respective merits of extended and paid-up 
insurance. She must help them keep insur- 
ance to its rightful proportion of the family 
budget and teach them how to meet the 
agent's sales-talk. Failure to differentiate 
between the feature of protection and that 
of savings is responsible for much confusion 
among social workers as to conditions under 
which insurance premiums should be paid 
by social agencies for families under their 
care. Some societies pay for no insurance 
whatsoever for such families, some take out 
new policies for uninsured members; some 
pay premiums for adults only, some only 
for those who could not be reinsured if their 
old policies were to lapse; some pay only 
for sufficient insurance to cover the cost of 



burial, and some allow all insurance to con- 
tinue, regardless of amount. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. In 1928 the 
Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, with 
the cooperation of a group of family welfare 
societies and mothers' assistance depart- 
ments, undertook a study of insurance 
problems in dependent families. Reports 
were obtained for approximately 6,000 
families which had received relief from these 
agencies for at least three consecutive 
months. A preliminary report of this sur- 
vey was made by Lee K. Frankel at the 
National Conference of Social Work in 
June, 1929. It indicated that life insurance 
is carried by a large proportion of the clients 
in care of family welfare agencies; that 
social case workers are frequently unaware of 
the problems connected with insurance and 
how to meet them; and that they need in- 
struction and expert advice on the subject. 
Another report of this survey, from the 
standpoint of social agencies, was submitted 
by Flora Slocum, home economist of the St. 
Louis Provident Association. It called at- 
tention to the relationship of insurance to 
family budgets, to the values in lapsed in- 
surance, and to the possibilities of conver- 
sion in the cases of overinsured families. 
The Metropolitan Life Insurance Company 
is continuing its tabulation of the material 
obtained through this survey. 

To provide for further study, the Family 
Division of the National Conference of 
Social Work appointed a Committee on In- 
surance Problems in Dependent Families, 
and invited representatives of the Metro- 
politan, Prudential, and John Hancock com- 
panies to be present at its first meeting, 
held in November. A proposal was made 
for a handbook for the use of social workers 
containing information on insurance matters 
and the companies agreed to prepare this in 
the near future. Studies on the insurance 
of children and other phases of the subject 
were also planned. 

Consult: Phelps, Harold A.: "Insurance in 
250 Unadjusted Families," in The Family, Novem- 



227 



Industrial Recreation 



ber, 1926; Slocum, Flora: "Life Insurance and 
the Dependent Family's Budget," in The Family, 
November, 1926; Bullock, A. C: A Study of 
Insurance in Families Receiving Mother's Aid 
(Brown University), 1926; Phelps, Harold A.: 
"Problems of Insured, Unadjusted Families," 
in Social Forces, June, 1927; Survey of Insurance 
Carried by Families Under Supervision of the 
Albany (N. Y.) County Board of Child Welfare, 
1927; Taylor, Maurice: " Insurance in Dependent 
Families," in Jewish Social Service Quarterly, 
September and December, 1928; Frankel, Lee K: 
Insurance Principles for Agencies dealing with De- 
pendent Families (Metropolitan Life Insurance 
Company), 1929; Grady, Alice: Brief Survey of 
the Massachusetts System of Savings Bank Life 
Insurance and Old Age Annuities; Burnett, Frank 
B.: "Savings Bank Life Insurance," in United 
States Investor, October 26, 1929 (This article and 
the preceding describe a new and little-known form 
of life insurance which is available in Massachu- 
setts at a much smaller cost than is paid elsewhere. 
Both are available from 207 State House, Boston, 
Mass.); Carpenter, Raymond V.: "Industrial 
Insurance, United States and Canada," in Ency- 
clopedia Britannica, 14th edition, 1929. 

Caroline Bedford 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. 

INDUSTRIAL RECREATION. Provision 
for some form of recreational activity among 
employes is made by most of the larger 
industrial corporations. While the move- 
ment to furnish employes an opportunity 
to participate in sports or other forms of 
recreation is not new, the general reduc- 
tion in hours of labor which followed the 
war has increased interest in athletics and 
recreation as a means of utilizing the leisure 
which has accrued through the shorter work- 
day. 

History and Present Status. A recent sur- 
vey by the United States Bureau of Labor 
Statistics of a representative group of indus- 
tries, with a total of nearly two million em- 
ployes, showed that more than three-fourths 
of the companies studied provide some 
kind of outdoor recreation. The facilities 
usually include athletic or baseball fields 



and sometimes indoor or outdoor swimming 
pools. Frequently companies maintain sum- 
mer camps or country clubs which furnish 
holiday centers for employes and their 
families. Athletics in many cases are 
under the management of a club which 
receives contributions from the company, 
but is usually left free to plan its own ac- 
tivities. 

Indoor recreational activities, it was found, 
are fostered by about three-fourths of the 
companies studied. Usually these activities 
are maintained by clubs for which the com- 
pany may set apart recreation or game rooms 
in the plant itself, or may perhaps supply a 
commodious and well-appointed clubhouse. 
About one-fifth of the companies studied 
maintain gymnasiums for their employes, 
while several firms utilize outside gym- 
nasiums, paying part or all of the fees. 
Bands, orchestras, and glee clubs furnish 
an opportunity for employes to develop 
their musical talent and to use it in club pro- 
grams for the benefit of their fellow-em- 
ployes. A recent report lists 679 indus- 
tries with 911 musical groups and about 
50,000 persons taking part in the organiza- 
tions or in the community "sings" of the 
plants. 

Recently the recreation activities of many 
individual plants have been merged with 
those of the community. The plant group 
may retain its individuality by entering its 
teams in community contests or events. 
When recreational activities are pooled in 
this way the cost to the employer is much 
lower, there is less tendency toward pater- 
nalism, and the welfare of the whole com- 
munity is promoted. 

Consult: United States Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics: Health and Recreation Activities in In- 
dustrial Establishments, 1926, Bulletin No. 458, 
1926, 94 pp.; Metropolitan Life Insurance Com- 
pany: Outdoor Recreation for Employees, Report 
No. 76, 1928, 24 pp.; Bruere, Henry, and Pugh, 
Grace: Profitable Personnel Practice, Chapter X 
"Organized Recreation for Employees," 1929; 
Clark, Kenneth S.: Music in Industry, 1929; 
Butterworth, William S.: "The Industrial Im- 



228 



Jewish Social Work 



portance of Recreational 

facturers' News, March 21 



Facilities," in Manu- 
1929. 

Anice Ladd Whitney 



For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 588. 



NDUSTRIAL RESEARCH. 
Research in Industry. 



See Social 



INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES OF 
SOCIAL WORK. See Conferences of 
Social Work. 

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTES. See 
Immigrants and Foreign Communities. 

INTER-RACIAL RELATIONS. See Ne- 
groes and Immigrants and Foreign 
Communities. 



INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS. See Delin- J AILS ' ^ Penal and Reformatory I n- 

quent Boys, Institution Care, and stitutions. 

Delinquent Girls, Institution Care. 

JEWISH AGRICULTURAL COLONIES. 

INEBRIETY. See Alcoholism. S« Colonization. 



INFANT MORTALITY. 
and Infant Hygiene. 



See Maternal JEWISH CHARITIES. See Jewish Social 
Work. 



INFANT WELFARE CENTERS AND 
STATIONS. See Maternal and Infant 
Hygiene. 

INFIRMARIES. See County and City 
Homes. 

INSANITY. See Mental Diseases. 

INSTITUTES. See Conferences of So- 
cial Work and Education for Social 
Work. 

INSTITUTIONS FOR CHILDREN. See 
Dependent and Neglected Children; 
Delinquent Boys, Institution Care; 
and Delinquent Girls, Institution 
Care. 

INSTITUTIONS FOR THE AGED. See 
The Aged. 

INSURANCE AGAINST INDUSTRIAL 
ACCIDENTS. See Industrial Acci- 
dents. 

INSURANCE AGAINST OCCUPATION- 
AL DISEASES. See Occupational Dis- 
eases. 



JEWISH COLONIZATION. See Coloni- 
zation. 

JEWISH COMMUNITY CENTERS. See 
Youth Service Associations. 

JEWISH SOCIAL WORK. Some of the 
concepts now prevalent in Jewish social 
work in the United States find their origin in 
the Jewish charity of Biblical times. All 
charity (Zedakah) is righteousness. Charity 
is a human obligation. According to the 
rabbis it was a means of salvation; permit- 
ting the rich to discharge their obligations, it 
was also a matter of social justice. Those 
who have means should give to those who 
have not sufficient, to permit the recipient of 
the gift to approach his former social posi- 
tion. Charity is personal kindness and per- 
sonal service. A Kuppah or community 
chest to which all residents contributed was 
organized very early in Jewish history. 

Down through the centuries many of these 
ideals have persisted. They formed the 
basis of Jewish giving, of family service, of 
caring for children and the sick, and of com- 
munity organization, the creation of com- 
munity funds, and the administration of 
such funds for the benefit of the whole Jewish 



229 



Jewish Social Work 



community. There has been some feeling in 
the field of Jewish social work that in certain 
respects its objectives in this country have 
been reached, and that state and nonsec- 
tarian private social work now satisfies 
many of the needs of the Jewish community. 
On the other hand, the Jewish population 
generally feels it should continue to bear its 
own burdens through its community chests, 
and should accept primary responsibility for 
all problems involved in caring for the 
members of the Jewish community. 

Present Status. Jewish social work covers 
practically all the drganized fields— family 
service, service to dependent and neglected 
children, service to youth, service to the sick, 
service on behalf of the handicapped, and 
religious and secular education. There is, 
however, an uneven development of these 
services. 

Community organization is expressed in 
the Jewish federations, the first of which was 
organized in Cincinnati in 1895. Latterly, 
federations have indicated more patently, 
through a change in name, that they are 
community-planning and financing organi- 
zations, whose field is broader than mere 
" charity. " Accordingly, though some feder- 
ations are still called Jewish Charities, others 
are known as Jewish Welfare Federations or 
United Jewish Social Agencies, while one 
very definitely defines its purpose as the 
Federation for the Support of Jewish Philan- 
thropic Societies. In the larger cities these 
organizations are organized primarily for the 
purpose of financing the agencies they in- 
clude. In the smaller cities, however, they 
have a tendency to become functional or- 
ganizations; that is, the federation definitely 
tries to develop and execute plans, as well 
as to guide its constituent societies in their 
social work. In still smaller communities 
the federation is really an undifferentiated 
case work society. Occasionally federations 
of each type have raised funds for national 
as well as local work. Latterly in 13 cities 
an effort has been made through the federa- 
tion or through a specially organized Jewish 



welfare fund to raise funds for organizations 
not financed by a general community chest 
or Jewish federation, and for national and 
international Jewish appeals. Of the 58 
Jewish federations in community chest 
cities and towns, 17 are not members of the 
local chests. The latter include the federa- 
tions of Baltimore, Buffalo, Milwaukee, 
Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and St. Louis. 

A primary activity of the Jewish communi- 
ties has been family welfare work. The 
older, professionally staffed organizations 
are as a rule affiliated with their federations; 
the others, not so affiliated, are more recent 
projects, resulting from the organizing 
genius of the newer immigrants. Sisterhoods 
and other synagogue relief societies ante- 
date the communal organizations in most 
large cities. Often they have been merged 
with the affiliated societies, but a few still 
persist. Fifty-one affiliated family welfare 
societies spend a total sum of $207,000 
monthly and carry a monthly case load of 
18,500. The unaffiliated societies are legion 
in number. It is not definitely known 
how much money they spend. In New York 
City alone a community survey discovered 
about a thousand such organizations. 

There are 60 institutions for dependent 
Jewish children in the country, 33 of which 
house an average of 4,000 children a month. 
All but five of these institutions are on the 
congregate plan. There has been a decided 
trend in the last 10 years toward placing 
out children in foster homes. Six institutions 
have placing-out departments. In addition, 
1 1 communities have independent placing- 
out organizations, caring for 1,200 children. 
At the present time 4,100 children are in 
institutions and 3,000 in foster homes. 

Jewish institutions for delinquent children 
are practically confined to New York City. 
There are a number of organizations in the 
country, however, dealing with problems of 
probation, parole, and preventive and pro- 
tective care of boys and girls. In some— 
for example, those in Pittsburgh and in 
New York— Big Brother and Sister work is 
part of the general organization; in others, 



230 



Jewish Social Work 



as in Cincinnati, it is independent; in still 
others, as in St. Louis and Philadelphia, it 
has become part of a city-wide nonsectarian 
organization. There is an increasing tend- 
ency toward substituting professional social 
workers for Big Brothers in work requiring 
case work technique. In a few cities the 
tendency is to make case work with be- 
havior problems a division of the family 
agency. 

Jewish communities have done much to 
organize recreational activities, especially in 
Young Men's and Young Women's Hebrew 
Associations and Jewish Community Cen- 
ters. See Youth Service Associations- 
Jewish Community Centers. In Boston, 
neighborhood recreational work has been 
carried on through district welfare centers, 
which also house the district offices of the 
Family Service Department of the Federa- 
tion. An attempt has been made to operate 
on a similar basis in Detroit and in Balti- 
more. Jewish settlements, in some com- 
munities called "educational alliances," 
number 26 in all, 12 of them being in New 
York City. They are generally in Jewish 
neighborhoods and have a distinctly Jewish 
clientele. The program is much like that 
of most settlements, though very often 
religious and educational work is carried on 
in addition. 

Institutional synagogues have of late be- 
come an important factor in the field of 
recreational work. Physical facilities for 
such work have been provided, sometimes 
built as integral parts of the synagogue 
structures, and sometimes housed separately. 
Such buildings have shown a large increase 
in recent years, but generally speaking, the 
development of a professional staff for the 
activities has been hampered by lack of 
funds. Jewish social work has also found ex- 
pression in summer camps and playgrounds. 
These are very closely related to the Jewish 
Centers, and in some instances to Jewish 
family welfare societies or educational sys- 
tems. Twenty-nine communities maintain 
summer camps. 

Many Jewish federations make grants for 

23 



the training of Jewish youth in the religious, 
ethical, and historical aspects of the life of 
the Jewish people, not only in biblical times 
but in the present day. 

The larger Jewish communities have de- 
veloped a somewhat elaborate system of 
institutional medical services. Thus there 
are 53 Jewish hospitals, 38 of which have a 
capacity of more than 8,200 beds. In half a 
dozen or more of the larger cities institu- 
tional facilities are provided, not only for 
the care of the acutely sick, but also for the 
care of the chronically sick, for the convales- 
cent, and the tuberculous; there are also 
clinics for the ambulant sick, and sometimes 
mental hygiene and maternity clinics. 

Shelters for the homeless are usually con- 
ducted by the Jewish family welfare socie- 
ties, though sometimes they are separate 
organizations. The care of the stranger is 
an immemorial Jewish social obligation, and 
its long history and the sentiment attached 
to it complicate the case work necessarily 
involved. The National Desertion Bureau 
acts as a national clearing house for the 
apprehension of deserters and for their 
prosecution. 

There are 56 Jewish institutions in the 
United States which care for aged persons. 
Gradually these homes, in the progressive 
communities, are becoming institutions for 
the custodial care of the chronically sick. 
Some of them already carry such characteris- 
tic names as Hebrew Home and Hospital 
for the Aged, or Hebrew Home for Aged 
Disabled. 

To supply the demand for trained workers 
in Jewish agencies, the Training School for 
Jewish Social Work was organized about 
five years ago at the instance of the National 
Conference of Jewish Social Service. Basic 
training is given in the New York School of 
Social Work, and individualized and Jewish 
instruction by the officers and faculty of the 
Jewish School. 

Jewish social work is also concerned with 
the problems of its national organizations. 
Certain of these, such as the national sana- 
toria at Denver and Los Angeles, care for the 



Jewish Social Work 



tuberculous; others, like the Hebrew Shelter- 
ing and Immigrant Aid Society and the 
National Council of Jewish Women, deal 
with the problems of immigration; while 
organizations like the National Farm School, 
Jewish Agricultural Society, and Baron de 
Hirsch Fund are concerned with the agricul- 
tural and industrial adjustment of the Jew, 
and still others, such as the American Jewish 
Congress and the American Jewish Com- 
mittee, deal with the general status of the 
Jew in this country and abroad. Support for 
such national organizations comes either 
from direct contributions, from Jewish Fed- 
erations, or from Jewish Welfare Funds. 

There are several national Jewish co- 
ordinating and service agencies. The Jewish 
Welfare Board is interested in the promotion 
of Jewish Community Centers; the Bureau of 
Jewish Social Research makes community 
surveys and acts as consultant in problems of 
Jewish community organization; the Na- 
tional Appeals Information Service gathers 
and distributes information to the Federa- 
tions about the work of national or inter- 
national Jewish social agencies; and the 
National Conference of Jewish Social Service 
provides an annual forum for discussion. 

Developments and Events, iQ2g. The most 
important events of the year were improve- 
ments in methods of work. In the national 
field there were four noteworthy develop- 
ments: Field service was established for the 
first time by the Bureau of Jewish Social Re- 
search, contact being made during the year 
with 40 different cities; a system of exchang- 
ing information concerning homeless men 
and transient families was started in the 
office of that Bureau; seven national agen- 
cies connected with the National Appeals 
Information Service agreed to conduct a 
joint experiment in fund-raising; and a con- 
ference was held by the Jewish family welfare 
societies to discuss the question of joining 
the Family Welfare Association of America. 
In local matters the following events deserve 
mention: A communal survey of Greater 
New York was completed and a merger 



voted of the Jewish federations in New 
York and Brooklyn; community surveys 
were also completed in Omaha, San Fran- 
cisco, Wilmington, Camden, Trenton, and 
Jersey City and became available as bases for 
the reorganization of Jewish social work in 
those cities; as the result of a communal 
survey in Baltimore institutional care of 
children was discontinued at Levindale 
(the buildings so set free being used for a 
Hebrew home for the aged and one for 
chronic invalids), and the Jewish family wel- 
fare society was merged with the Hebrew 
Friendly Inn Lodging House for Homeless 
Men and the Young Ladies' Benevolent 
Society; in Philadelphia two child-caring 
institutions belonging to the federation— 
the Hebrew Orphans' Home (orthodox) 
and the Jewish Foster Home— combined 
their activities; the Chicago Jewish Home- 
Finding Society increased materially the 
number of visiting housekeepers employed 
in an effort to make them available for situa- 
tions requiring more or less permanent care 
as well as temporary care; and the newly 
erected Beth Israel hospitals in Newark and 
Boston were opened, the one in Boston es- 
tablishing teaching relationships with Tufts 
and Harvard Medical Schools. 

Consult: National Conference of Jewish Social 
Service: Proceedings and issues of Jewish Social 
Service Quarterly; Jewish Communal Register of 
New York City, 1917; Jewish Communal Survey of 
Greater New York, 1928, and other communal sur- 
veys (Bureau of Jewish Social Research); Bogen, 
Boris D.: Jewish Philanthropy, 19 17; Frisch, 
Ephriam: A Historical Survey of Jewish Philan- 
thropy, 1924; Fifty Years of Social Service; the 
History of the United Hebrew Charities of the City 
of New York (Jewish Social Service Association, 
Inc.), 1926; Karpf, M. J.: Social Audit of a 
Social Service Agency, 1925. 

Samuel A. Goldsmith 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 588. 

JUNIOR ACHIEVEMENT. See Scout- 
ing and Related Organizations. 



232 



Juvenile Courts and Probation 



JUVENILE COURTS AND PROBATION. 
The organization of juvenile courts marked 
the birth of a new attitude on the part of the 
state toward children whose conduct made 
them subject to court care. Under the com- 
mon law a child over seven years of age who 
was convicted of an offense had been treated 
no differently from an adult. He was pre- 
sumed to be morally responsible for his own 
acts, and punishment in proportion to the 
seriousness of his offense was believed to be 
the proper method of dealing with him. 
There was little understanding of child 
nature, and the influence of environment on 
behavior was scarcely recognized and rarely 
given sufficiently serious consideration. 

Today the state seeks to help the child 
through understanding the causes of his 
delinquency and applying individual treat- 
ment. Delinquency is no longer considered a 
milder form of crime; it is regarded as a 
symptom. The application of science and a 
sympathetic understanding of the child's 
nature enable the state to seek the varied 
causes of anti-social behavior and to sub- 
stitute constructive guidance for rigid 
and destructive punishment. But the old 
theories persist alongside of the new. The 
minor delinquencies of children may be 
treated sympathetically and with the pur- 
pose of guiding and adjusting the child. But 
let a child commit a serious offense and there 
is demand for severity, with little regard 
for the causes and little consideration of 
what may become of him. In a majority of 
states even the laws which prescribe juvenile 
court treatment for child offenders make 
exception for the most serious delinquencies, 
and the state falls back on adult criminal 
procedure. 

In general, however, the juvenile court 
marked a radical departure from established 
court systems. Though retaining in varying 
degrees elements of criminal procedure, in 
spirit and method it is based on the equity or 
chancery procedure long ago developed in 
the English High Court of Chancery. The 
purpose of the juvenile court is not merely to 
treat the child with consideration, separate 



from the adult offender and with more 
appropriate court machinery; it establishes 
also the principle that the state in dealing 
with the delinquent child, as well as with the 
dependent, should proceed as would a wise 
parent. 

History and Present Status. The first real 
juvenile court in the world was established in 
Chicago in 1899 following the enactment of 
the Illinois juvenile court law. Two years 
later an informal juvenile court without a 
special law was established in Denver and a 
juvenile court law was passed in Wisconsin, 
applying to the city and county of Mil- 
waukee. The New York City, Baltimore, 
and Cuyahoga County (Cleveland), Ohio, 
courts were established by special acts in 
1902. From that time on the increase of 
legislation and in the number of courts es- 
tablished has been rapid. Today every state 
except Maine and Wyoming has a juvenile 
court law, and Maine has provisions for pro- 
bation and separate hearings of children's 
cases in the regular courts. It is impossible, 
however, to state the number of juvenile 
courts with any accuracy unless a rigid defi- 
nition is adopted as to what constitutes 
such a court. The nation-wide study made 
by the federal Children's Bureau in 1918 
covered 2,391 courts dealing with children, 
but of these only 321 conformed to the 
Bureau's definition of what constituted a 
juvenile court. Both figures would now be 
increased. The latest directory of the 
National Probation Association, issued in 
1928, shows a total of 3,702 regularly ap- 
pointed probation officers in the United 
States and Canada. A large majority of 
these are serving in juvenile courts in cities, 
but since most juvenile courts are county- 
wide in jurisdiction, most officers do some 
rural work also. Such work is rapidly in- 
creasing due to a growing appreciation of 
the need and to the activities of state proba- 
tion and welfare departments. 

No adequate statistics are available as to 
the number of children coming before the 
juvenile courts. This is a part of the lack of 



233 



Juvenile Courts and Probation 



national machinery for compiling statistics 
on crime or the work of courts. Through the 
questionnaire study of courts by the federal 
Children's Bureau above referred to it was 
estimated that 175,000 children's cases were 
brought before all courts in the United 
States in 19 18. That Bureau in 1927 began 
the collection of statistics of the work of 
juvenile courts. Sixty-five courts reported 
during 1928. These handled 38,882 delin- 
quency cases and 16,289 dependency and 
neglect cases in that year. 

As the number of juvenile courts increased, 
more and more varieties of jurisdiction and 
equipment were developed. In no field has 
there been greater lack of uniformity. A few 
special juvenile courts were created, but in 
most areas the juvenile court was made part 
of some already existing court, almost every 
type of court being used for the purpose. 
The early acts limited the jurisdiction of the 
juvenile court to children under 16 years. 
In 1929 two states had a 21-year age limit, 14 
had fixed the limit at 18, 5 at 17, and only 9 
retained 16. The other states had differing 
age limits for different types of cases. Many 
states had provided continued jurisdiction 
up to 21 for cases arising before the specified 
age. In addition to the varying age limits 
there were great differences in the extent to 
which the juvenile court alone was given 
jurisdiction over children's cases; not in- 
frequently other courts have jurisdiction 
with the juvenile court in certain types of 
cases. 

Juvenile courts today deal with delinquent 
and neglected children and in most states 
with dependent children also. In 17 states 
they administer mothers' aid. See Mothers' 
Aid. A majority of them deal also with 
parents who abandon or fail to support 
their children. But although jurisdiction 
over adults is conferred upon the juvenile 
courts by the laws of 41 states, the extent 
to which the courts actually deal with adults 
varies. Some deal with parents whose chil- 
dren are already within the jurisdiction of the 
court. Other courts possessing broad juris- 
diction over adults deal with practically as 



many adults as children, and are in fact, 
and sometimes in name, domestic relations 
courts. The tendency to broaden the juris- 
diction of the juvenile courts to include all 
cases relating to children and family rela- 
tions is growing throughout the country. 
See Domestic Relations Courts. 

Because of wide variations in equipment 
and procedure it is not always easy to decide 
whether a court which calls itself a juvenile 
court really merits the name. In the na- 
tion-wide survey of juvenile courts already 
mentioned, made by the federal Children's 
Bureau in 1918, the following minimum 
requirements were adopted for courts en- 
titled to be considered juvenile courts: 

(a) separate hearings for children's cases; 

(b) informal or chancery procedure including 
the use of petition; (c) regular probation 
service both for investigation and super- 
visory care; (d) detention of children sep- 
arate from adults; (e) special court and pro- 
bation records, both legal and social; and 
(f) provision for mental and physical ex- 
aminations. In 1 92 1, following a confer- 
ence under the joint auspices of the United 
States Children's Bureau and the National 
Probation Association, a committee was ap- 
pointed to prepare a statement of standards. 
The final report of that committee was 
published by the Children's Bureau in 1923 
(Bureau Publication No. 121); it represents 
a restatement of the minimum requirements 
just outlined, developed in much greater 
detail and with some additions, but the 
fundamental principles remain the same. 
These principles have been summarized as 
follows: The court dealing with children 
should have broad jurisdiction "embracing 
all classes of cases in which a child is in 
need of the protection of the state, whether 
the legal action is in the name of the child or 
of an adult who fails in his obligation to- 
ward the child"; the court should have 
a "scientific understanding of each child; 
treatment should be adapted to individual 
needs; and there should be a presumption in 
favor of keeping the child in his own home 
and in his own community, except when 



234 



Juvenile Courts and Probation 



adequate investigation shows this not to be 
in the best interests of the child." (United 
States Children's Bureau: Juvenile Court 
Standards, Bureau Publication No. 121, 
page vi.) 

Training Requirements and Opportunities. 
There is a growing demand for trained and 
experienced probation workers, due to the 
failure of the untrained and inexperienced to 
measure up to the difficulties of the task. 
This is evidenced in the payment of increased 
salaries and in the higher qualifications de- 
manded of applicants for employment in this 
field. There are but few opportunities for 
apprenticeship training. As a rule the pro- 
bation officer must be given independent 
and responsible case work from the start. 
Hence the courts need to obtain men and 
women of previous successful experience in 
social case work. 

Increasingly, examinations testing knowl- 
edge of the field are being given applicants 
for appointment. Civil service examina- 
tions are required in New York, New Jersey, 
Ohio, and in Milwaukee and Los Angeles 
Counties. Examinations or approval by 
state boards are authorized in several other 
states, and an increasing number of indi- 
vidual courts have required examinations 
by committees or outside agencies. The 
standards for entering examinations have 
been raised in a number of states. The usual 
requirement in New York and New Jersey 
is now high school graduation and at least 
one year of case work with an accredited 
social agency. Cook County, Illinois (Chi- 
cago), recently required three years of 
college work also. 

Developments and Events, IQ2Q. New juve- 
nile courts were created during the year in 
Bridgeport, Conn., and Tulsa, Okla., and 
in Broward County, Fla. (Ft. Lauderdale), 
and a new juvenile and domestic relations 
court was established in Hamilton County, 
Tenn. (Chattanooga). New Jersey passed a 
law (Ch. 1 57) which provides for juvenile and 
domestic relations courts in all counties of 
the state; formerly only two counties had 



such courts. Two new juvenile court dis- 
tricts were organized in Utah. Training 
courses for probation officers were given for 
the first time at Western Reserve University, 
at Ohio State University (a six-week summer 
course given with the cooperation of the Ohio 
Probation Association); at Notre Dame Uni- 
versity (a two-year course including field 
training); at Iowa State University (lectures 
in its summer school); and institutes for 
probation and juvenile court workers were 
held at the state conference of social work 
in North Carolina, Illinois, Missouri, and New 
York. Committees of the White House 
Conference on Child Health and Protection 
and of the National Commission on Law 
Observance and Enforcement were organ- 
ized to study juvenile delinquency. 

Many additions to personnel were re- 
ported, with considerable emphasis upon the 
training and experience of appointees. These 
included the following: A state supervisor of 
probation in California; an assistant to the 
State Commissioner of Probation in Massa- 
chusetts; three field workers for probation 
survey work in the New York State Proba- 
tion Division; a state supervisor of pro- 
bation in the Child Welfare Department of 
Connecticut, and a probation officer for 
rural work in Delaware. New colored 
probation officers were appointed in Mem- 
phis, Cincinnati, Cleveland, New York City, 
and elsewhere; a psychiatrist was added 
to the staff of the Baltimore Juvenile Court; 
and in two Ohio counties (those which in- 
clude Cleveland and Cincinnati) the juvenile 
courts were authorized to employ psychia- 
trists, psychologists, and referees. In- 
creased salaries were provided for probation 
officers in several large cities. 

The year in this field was a significant one 
in the studies undertaken. Those completed 
and published during the year include the 
following: A report on Probation and 
Parole in Pennsylvania by the Pennsylvania 
Crime Commission; reports on Juvenile and 
Adult Offenders in the counties of Beaver, 
Berks, and Luzerne by the Pennsylvania 
Committee on Penal Affairs; a report on 



235 



Juvenile Courts and Probation 



Juvenile Delinquency in Illinois by the 
Illinois Crime Commission; a survey of 
juvenile courts in Utah by the National 
Probation Association; and a Survey of 
Boys and Girls in Salt Lake City by the 
University of Utah. 

Studies made during the year, but not yet 
published, include the following: A study of 
the detention home and its relation to the 
work of the juvenile court of Detroit by 
Sherman C. Kingsley; studies of juvenile 
courts in several counties in Pennsylvania 
by the Pennsylvania Committee on Penal 
Affairs; a study of delinquent and dependent 
children by the Child Welfare Committee of 
the Memphis Council of Social Agencies; a 
study of juvenile delinquency in Maine by 
the Federal Children's Bureau; and state- 
wide studies of juvenile courts in North 
Dakota and Iowa, and city and county 
studies in Denver, Omaha, Tampa (Fla.), 
and Portland (Ore.) by the National Pro- 
bation Association. 

Legislation, igig. In addition to the legisla- 
tion required for the changes reported in the 
preceding section, the following laws were 
passed: In New Mexico (Ch. 74) the age 
limit for dealing with children in the juvenile 
court as delinquents was raised from 16 to 
18. In North Dakota (Ch. 113) the court 
was given continued jurisdiction until 21. In 
Wisconsin (Ch. 48) a new law which con- 
forms to the best standards was adopted. 
Jurisdiction of children in the juvenile court 
was made exclusive to 16 and concurrent 
with the criminal courts to 18 (formerly 
only concurrent to 16). Arkansas (Ch. 356) 
gave the juvenile court power to commit 
physically handicapped children under 21 
to the newly established State Commission 
for Crippled Children. In the so-called 
"child marriage law" of New York State 
(Ch. 633) the approval of a children's court 
judge is required before a marriage license 
can be issued to a girl 14 to 16 years of age. 
The Probation Department of Hennepin 
County, Minn.— including Minneapolis — 
(Ch. 326) was given power to investigate 



divorce actions, to supervise the children in 
such cases, and to collect support or alimony. 
The juvenile courts of Idaho (Ch. 99) were 
given jurisdiction over adults contributing 
to juvenile delinquency. In Iowa (Ch. 90) 
jurisdiction was given over adults contribut- 
ing to juvenile dependency. Improvements 
in juvenile court procedure were provided by 
California (Ch. 645); among others investi- 
gation was required before filing of petitions 
and child placing was regulated. In Dela- 
ware (Ch. 267) investigation was required 
before cases may be brought to court. Laws 
increasing the number or salaries of proba- 
tion officers were passed in Arizona, Kansas, 
Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Okla- 
homa, and Ohio. 

Consult: Lou, Herbert H.: Juvenile Courts in 
the United States, 1927; Van Waters, Miriam: 
Youth in Conflict, 1925; Johnson, Fred R.: Proba- 
tion for Juveniles and Adults, 1928; Addams, 
Jane, and others: The Child, the Clinic and the 
Court, 1925; National Probation Association: A 
Standard Juvenile Court Law (revised edition), 
1929, its Directory of Probation Officers in the 
United States and Canada, its Year Book (Proceed- 
ings of the Annual Probation Conference), and its 
monthly bulletin, Probation; and the following 
publications of the Children's Bureau, United 
States Department of Labor: Juvenile Court 
Standards (Publication No. 121), 1923; Juvenile 
Courts at Work (Publication No. 141), 1925; The 
Legal Aspect of the Juvenile Court (Publication No. 
99), 1922; and Probation in Children's Courts 
(Publication No. 80), 192 1. 

Charles L. Chute 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 588. 

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY. See Ju- 
venile Courts and Probation. 

JUVENILE PLACEMENT. See Voca- 
tional Guidance. 



JUVENILE PROTECTIVE ASSOCIA- 
TIONS. See Child Protection. 



236 



Kindergartens 



JUVENILE REFORMATORIES. See De- 
linquent Boys, Institution Care. 

KINDERGARTENS were first established 
in the United States nearly three-quarters of 
a century ago. Two states of the Middle 
West, Watertown, Wis., and Columbus, 
O., dispute the honor of having been the 
pioneers in this field of education, Water- 
town claiming that the first kindergarten 
was opened there in 1855, while Columbus 
maintains that its kindergarten, begun in 
1858, was the first in the field. However 
this may be, it is generally agreed that 
the first really successful kindergarten 
was opened in Boston in i860 by Elizabeth 
Peabody. 

Froebel himself suggested that the kinder- 
garten, although not popular in Germany, 
might flourish in America, which was more 
receptive to new ideas. After 1870 this 
proved the case, and many kindergartens 
were opened in all parts of the country. 
At first most of them were philanthropic 
enterprises. The nation was just awakening 
to the new social problems caused by immi- 
gration. Immigrants arriving in large num- 
bers tended to settle in congested areas 
within the cities. Missions, churches, and 
philanthropic organizations turned to the 
education of the very young child as the 
most hopeful form of social service in these 
districts, and placed the early kindergartens 
there. Many of the teachers donated their 
services, after receiving only a short period 
of training. Often they taught for half the 
day and spent their afternoons in social 
service activities. This close connection 
with social work has, fortunately, con- 
tinued, although a number of the privately 
organized kindergartens throughout the 
country have now been taken over by the 
public schools. Other such kindergartens 
now receive children who are too young to be 
accepted by the public schools, and they 
have become practically nursery schools. 
See Nursery Schools. 

In 1873 Susan Blow superintended the 
first kindergarten to be incorporated in a 



public school system, that of St. Louis. 
Miss Blow also organized a training school 
for kindergarten teachers, and from that 
time on the kindergarten slowly but surely 
made itself an essential part of the educa- 
tional system of the country. Within the 
last few years it has become even more 
closely allied to the elementary school 
through the unification of kindergarten- 
primary education. Some teacher training 
schools now offer a kindergarten-primary 
diploma, and with the growth of nursery 
schools the unit is being extended down- 
ward so that teachers are being trained 
for nursery, kindergarten, and first-grade 
work. 

Methods of kindergarten teaching have 
undergone much change. With the develop- 
ment of scientific child study in this country, 
and through the inspiration of such leaders as 
Francis Parker, John Dewey, G. Stanley 
Hall, and Patty Smith Hill, the old formal- 
ized activities of the kindergarten have 
given place to a more flexible program, con- 
sciously based on the normal interests of 
childhood and allowing freedom for indi- 
vidual development. Attention is centered 
on the building of right habits and attitudes 
and on learning to live together. The in- 
fluence of this training naturally extends into 
the home. Parental education has always 
been an integral part of a kindergarten pro- 
gram and it has now an outstanding place in 
all nursery-kindergarten work. See Parent 
Education. 

The following figures for 1928, provided 
by the federal Office of Education, show how 
rapid has been the growth of the kinder- 
garten movement and the extent to which it 
has become a part of the public school 
system. The number of city school systems 
reporting kindergartens was 734, and the 
number of children enrolled, 606,283; 544 
private schools reported kindergartens, with 
an enrollment of 27,310. 

There are now many facilities for kinder- 
garten training, as the teacher training 
colleges of most states and cities offer courses 
covering from two to four years, and there 



237 



Labor Legislation for Women 



are several good private training schools. 
Universities offer courses leading to the de- 
gree of Bachelor of Science to graduates of 
approved normal schools, and courses lead- 
ing to the degree of Master of Arts to those 
holding the degree of Bachelor of Science who 
wish to specialize in education. This opens 
the field of nursery-kindergarten-first-grade 
education to many young college graduates. 

Legislation, igig, includes an Oregon law 
(Ch. 197) for the establishment of kinder- 
gartens in school districts having less than 
20,000 children of school age; and an amend- 
ment to the laws of Delaware (Ch. 160), 
permitting local boards of education to 
establish kindergartens and playgrounds. 

Consult: Hill, Patty Smith (editor): Series on 
Childhood Education (Chas. Scribner's Sons), 
1 923- 1 930; Parker and Temple: Unified Kinder- 
garten and First Grade Teaching, 1925; National 
Society for the Study of Education: Pre-School 
and Parental Education — Twenty-Eighth Year 
Booh, 1929; Davis, Mary Dabney: Nursery- 
Kindergarten-Primary Education in ig24~iQ26 
(Office of Education, United States Department 
of the Interior, Bulletin No. 28, 1927); Some Phases 
of Nursery-Kindergarten-Primary Education, 1926- 
1928 (Bulletin No. 29 of that Office), 1929. 

Alice Dalgliesh 
Charlotte G. Garrison 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 588. 

KNIGHTS OF COUUMBUS. See Youth 
Service Associations. 



UABOR BUREAUS or DEPARTMENTS, 
STATE. See Labor, State Agencies. 

LABOR LEGISLATION. See Labor Leg- 
islation for Women, Night Work in 
Industry, Hours of Work in Industry, 
Minimum Wage, Home Work in Indus- 
try, Child Labor, Industrial Acci- 
dents, Occupational Diseases, Labor 



State Agencies, Employment Agencies, 
Vocational Guidance, and Vocational 
Education. 

LABOR LEGISLATION FOR WOMEN 
in the United States has become a subject of 
increasing importance in the past few dec- 
ades and one with many ramifications due 
to the various types of labor laws and to the 
many problems involved. The vast number 
of women who are employed; the great 
variety of their occupations; the conditions 
under which they work, varying in locality, 
industry, and individual establishments; 
the changes and developments in their op- 
portunities that have been coincident with 
the enactment of the different kinds of 
legislation, applying here to one group of 
women and there to another; and the al- 
most infinite range of the possible results of 
such legislation— these are a few of the as- 
pects inherent in the subject. 

Special labor laws for women deal chiefly 
with the hours of work in industry, night 
work in industry, seats for women workers, 
minimum wage, and the prohibition and 
regulation of women's work in certain oc- 
cupations or industries. Laws for the regu- 
lation of home work are also included in the 
list, since women form a very large propor- 
tion of all home workers. This article deals 
primarily with activities and problems com- 
mon to all forms of labor legislation for 
women, and a few special problems not 
covered by other articles. 

History and Present Status. The middle of 
the nineteenth century saw the birth of legis- 
lation of this type, regulation of women's 
hours of working being the first of the special 
labor laws for women to appear on any 
statute book. The first hour law applying 
to women only was passed in Ohio in 1852, 
prohibiting the employment of women for 
more than 10 hours a day in manufacturing. 
It was repealed in 1879. The movement, 
once started, however, gained in momentum 
and finally led to the enactment of laws 
regulating the duration of the hours of 



238 



Labor Legislation for Women 



women's work in all but five states including 
Indiana, which, however, has a night work 
law for women. See Hours of Work in 
Industry. Eighteen states and the District 
of Columbia have provided through legisla- 
tion for such breaks in the hours of a woman's 
employment as a day of rest, of one shorter 
workday in the week, or time for meals or 
rest periods during the workday. 

The first prohibitory legislation for women 
dates from 1872, Illinois in that year for- 
bidding women to enter any mine to work 
therein. Today 28 states have regulated or 
prohibited women's employment in some in- 
dustry or occupation. The most commonly 
prohibited occupation is mining. Such a 
prohibition exists in 18 states. In five states 
women are not allowed to carry or lift heavy 
weights. In five states regulations regarding 
the work of women in core rooms of foundries 
have been established — the special aim of 
such legislation being to protect women from 
the heat, fumes, smoke, and gases of the 
melting and baking rooms. In four states 
women are not allowed to clean moving 
machinery. Six states have legislation pro- 
hibiting their employment immediately be- 
fore or after childbirth. 

Seating was the next subject to be covered 
by law for women workers. To New York 
goes the credit for the first law, passed in 
1881, requiring seats for women "in any 
mercantile or manufacturing business or 
occupation." An influx of seating laws 
followed, 16 states enacting similar legisla- 
tion before 1890. Today 46 states— all but 
New Mexico, Mississippi, and the District of 
Columbia— have seating laws requiring the 
provision of chairs or stools for the use of 
women employed in stores or factories or 
both. 

Home work legislation can be said to date 
from 1883, when New York sought to end 
the sweating or tenement workshop system 
by prohibiting the manufacture of cigars 
and other tobacco products in tenement 
houses. That law was declared unconstitu- 
tional, and for the next 30 years nearly all 
effort was directed toward regulation and the 



imposing of minor restrictions through a li- 
censing system. At the present time about 
one-fourth of the states have laws either pro- 
hibiting or regulating home work. In gen- 
eral the regulatory requirements are for 
cleanliness, adequate lighting and ventila- 
tion, and freedom from infectious and con- 
tagious disease. See Home Work in Indus- 
try. 

Massachusetts passed the first night work 
prohibitory law for all women in 1890. 
At present only one-third of the states have 
legislation of this type. See Night Work 
in Industry. Massachusetts in 19 12 was 
also the first state to pass a minimum wage 
law for women and minors, and by 1923, 15 
states and the District of Columbia had 
enacted laws having that purpose. All such 
legislation was dealt a staggering blow in 
1923 when the United States Supreme Court 
declared the District of Columbia law un- 
constitutional. See Minimum Wage. 

The Federal Women's Bureau. An important 
step making for the improvement of working 
conditions for women was taken by the 
federal government in July, 19 18, when the 
Woman in Industry Service was inaugurated 
in the United States Department of Labor 
as a temporary war agency to study the 
interests of wage-earning women and to 
make their services most effective for the 
national good. In June, 1920, this agency 
was made a permanent organization to be 
known as the Women's Bureau, whose func- 
tion was to formulate standards and policies 
for wage-earning women, to promote their 
welfare, increase their efficiency, to improve 
their working conditions, and to advance 
their employment opportunities. 

The principal standards advocated by the 
Bureau may be outlined briefly as follows: 
(1) Real opportunity for employment and 
advancement; adequate wage, based on oc- 
cupation and not on sex; time for recreation, 
self-development, and leisure; a work day of 
not more than eight hours, including rest 
periods; not less than one and one-half days 
off each week; no night work; no industrial 



16 



239 



Labor Legislation for Women 



home work; (2) a clean, well-aired, well- 
lighted workroom, with adequate provision 
against excessive heat and cold; a chair for 
each woman, built on posture lines adjusted 
to both worker and job, and the elimination 
of constant standing or sitting wherever 
possible; (3) guarded machinery and other 
safety precautions; mechanical devices to 
prevent unnecessary and repeated lifting of 
heavy weights and other motions abnormally 
fatiguing to women; protection against in- 
dustrial poisons used in manufacturing pro- 
cesses when such poisons are detrimental to 
women's health; and prohibition of women's 
employment only in industries definitely 
proved by scientific investigation to be more 
injurious to women than to men; (4) ade- 
quate and sanitary service facilities, includ- 
ing enough time for lunch and a clean, com- 
fortable place in which to eat it; pure and 
accessible drinking water, with individual 
cups or sanitary fountains; convenient wash- 
ing facilities, with hot and cold water, soap, 
and individual towels; standard toilet facili- 
ties; dressing and rest rooms; and first-aid 
equipment. 

The Women's Bureau is not charged with 
the administration of any labor legislation, 
that function being reserved for the states. 
It has made and published a large number of 
studies of conditions affecting women's 
labor, and it has recently included among its 
activities a special investigation, referred to 
in the next following section, as to the effect 
of labor legislation on the employment op- 
portunities of women, the request for such a 
study having grown out of controversy. 

The Effects of Special Labor Legislation. 
With the growth and development of special 
labor laws resulting from the efforts of 
groups convinced of their value and efficacy 
in promoting the interests of women workers 
there has gradually arisen also an opposition 
to these laws on the part of other groups who 
have come to view them as a handicap to 
women's occupational progress. The pro- 
ponents for special labor legislation for 
women argue as follows: Men and women in 
industry do not have equal economic power 



in bargaining for better standards of hours, 
conditions, and remunerations. Forced into 
industrial life by increasing .economic pres- 
sure, women are the late-comers in industry, 
and as such are in the position of being the 
cheapest labor in the market, thus tending to 
undercut the wages and conditions that have 
been gained by men in their longer industrial 
life. The fact is commonly recognized that 
men have gained their advantages in the in- 
dustrial world largely by means of organiza- 
tion, and have preferred this method rather 
than that of employing the machinery of 
the state. In theory this method would 
appear to be desirable for women also, but a 
closer study of the problem reveals several 
factors tending to prevent successful and 
extensive organization of women. Women 
are the natural home-makers and mothers 
of the race, and their entrance into industry 
has not removed or lightened that already 
heavy responsibility; rather it has only 
added another job to the one that women 
have held since the beginning of the race. 
Therefore women who are wage-earners, with 
one job in the factory and another in the 
home, have little time and energy left to 
carry on a fight to better their economic 
status. 

Entering industry by the easiest and most 
widely opened door, that of the job requiring 
little or no skill, women workers too often 
land at the bottom of the economic scale. 
They cannot improve their conditions be- 
cause in so many instances they are not 
organized, and often cannot organize be- 
cause their need of employment is so great 
that they dare not risk the loss of their jobs 
no matter how poor— a loss that too often 
follows the unskilled workers' first attempts 
at organization. Moreover, women, es- 
pecially those under 20 years of age who 
may expect to marry and leave industry, 
have not realized the need and value of 
organization as much as have men. Im- 
portant as it is to safeguard men's industrial 
employment, it is even more essential to 
safeguard women's in the interest of the 
race. In view of these facts a definite de- 



240 



Labor Legislation for Women 



mand has developed for a method to pro- 
duce scientifically and as soon as possible 
conditions and opportunities that more 
nearly equal those of men. This short-cut 
is legislation. Applied to women in industry 
and not to those in the professions, it cannot 
be said to hamper women in opportunities 
for a career. 

The source and grounds of opposition to 
special legislation for women in industry are 
as follows: Certain feminist organizations, 
headed by the National Woman's Party 
and representing not the rank and file of 
women in industry but professional women 
and members of a few highly skilled and 
well-organized trades, oppose such legisla- 
tion on the ground that it handicaps women 
in securing and retaining employment. 
Women have even lost jobs in a number of 
cases because of it. Absolute equality of the 
sexes in all conditions and relations of life is 
right and desirable, and special labor laws 
for women prevent such equality. Women's 
freedom to enter upon jobs is restricted by 
special laws, particularly night-work legisla- 
tion. All legal regulations should apply 
alike to men and women. Women when 
classed apart from men or included with 
minors in the matter of labor laws are less 
likely to achieve occupational progress. To 
this feminist group of opponents may be 
added the National Association of Manu- 
facturers, which stated in its Platform of 
American Industry for 1928 that "protective 
legislation should be based only upon indi- 
vidual capacity and the nature of the work 
rather than upon sex." Along with these 
groups may also be counted ultra-conserva- 
tive employers, opposed on principle to any 
change in the established order of the things 
and unscrupulous employers to whom the 
unprotected status of women industrial 
workers offers a chance for exploitation. 

This whole question of special labor legis- 
lation was brought to the fore at the Women's 
Industrial Conference called by the United 
States Women's Bureau, January 18 to 21, 
1926. After a special evening session had 
been devoted exclusively to the subject, the 



opposition urged that the Women's Bureau 
undertake a special investigation of the 
problem. That proposal was accepted, all 
members of the conference believing that 
facts should be obtained. As one means 
of securing objectivity in procedure, two 
committees were appointed. One of these, a 
committee to give technical advice, was com- 
posed of persons having experience in carry- 
ing forward industrial investigation. The 
second committee was made up of repre- 
sentatives of organizations advocating special 
legislation for women and representatives of 
the National Woman's Party opposing it. 
This second committee proved unsuccessful, 
in that those opposed to special labor laws 
urged that the investigation be conducted 
from the beginning mainly through public 
hearings, whereas the advocates of the laws, 
the majority of whom were themselves 
women in industry and representatives of 
organizations of women in industry, were 
opposed to public hearings on the ground 
that testimony given on such occasions by 
working women might jeopardize their posi- 
tions and could not be relied upon to bring 
out all facts. When the opponents of special 
legislation induced their supporters in the 
states to write letters to Congressmen de- 
signed to discredit the investigation before 
it was begun and to bring charges of prej- 
udice and unfair dealings against the 
Women's Bureau, the advocates of such 
legislation withdrew from the committee, 
holding that it was not fulfilling its proper 
function and that no useful purpose could be 
served by the agitation resulting from this 
disagreement in the preliminary planning of 
the study. The committee was automati- 
cally dissolved. 

The investigation was nevertheless carried 
through by the Women's Bureau. The field 
work, begun in March, 1926, and completed 
in December, was conducted in many differ- 
ent sections of the country. The scope of 
the study was very extensive. It included a 
careful and detailed study of labor laws 
applying to women in 1 1 states covering 
more than 660,000 workers, 165,244 of them 



241 



Labor, State Agencies 



women. Among the industries included 
were the major woman-employing occupa- 
tions: boots and shoes, clothing, electrical 
apparatus, knit goods, and paper boxes. 
More than 1,600 establishments were visited 
by Bureau agents, 1,200 women being per- 
sonally interviewed. In addition, women 
workers in stores, restaurants, newspaper 
offices, street-railway transportation, ele- 
vator operating, pharmacies, the metal 
trades, and certain other types of employ- 
ment were studied. Particular attention was 
given to the effect of laws prohibiting night 
work and those barring women from certain 
specific occupations, such as grinding, polish- 
ing, buffing, acetylene and electric welding, 
taxicab driving, and gas and electric meter 
reading. 

The general conclusion of the survey was 
that women are necessary to industry, and 
that when the laws are properly and carefully 
written women are not barred from industrial 
work nor do they lose their jobs because of 
the laws, but in practically every case are 
benefited by them. Moreover, reasonable 
legal standards for their employment raise 
standards in industry for all workers. The 
great majority of up-to-date employers, the 
Bureau has ascertained, realize the value of 
such standards of work and often exceed them 
in their own plants. Many of them approve 
such legislation because it largely does away 
with the cheap, unfair competition of un- 
scrupulous employers. 

Developments and Events, ig2Q. Legislation 
in this field during the year is covered under 
the titles referred to earlier in this article. 
Studies in progress during the year are also 
covered under those titles in so far as they 
relate to particular types of labor legisla- 
tion for women. Among the studies of a 
more general character undertaken by the 
Women's Bureau are the following: (a) A 
study of labor laws for women in the United 
States, to keep current the information con- 
tained in Women's Bureau Bulletin No. 66, 
Part 2, Chronological Development of Labor 
Legislation for Women in the United States, 



and for a new edition of Bulletin No. 63, 
State Laws Affecting Working Women; (b) 
a study of laws in the United States on 
sanitation in work places, including laws and 
regulations as to toilet facilities and drinking 
facilities; and (c) a study and analysis of 
data published by 21 states on industrial 
accidents to women, 1920-1927. 

Consult: Women's Bureau, United States De- 
partment of Labor: Proceedings of the Women's 
Industrial Conference (No. 33), 1923, State Laws 
Affecting Working Women (No. 63), 1927, Pro- 
ceedings of Women's Industrial Conference in 
January, 1926 (mimeographed), The Effects of 
Labor Legislation on the Employment Opportunities 
of Women (Summary of this is published as No. 
68), 1929, and History of Labor Legislation for 
Women in Three States and Chronological Develop- 
ment of Labor Legislation for Women in the United 
States (No. 66), 1929; Andrews and Commons: 
Principles of Labor Legislation (revised), 1927; 
and National Consumers' League: Equal Op- 
portunity for Women Wage Earners, Facts vs. 
Fiction, 1920. For literature opposed to special 
labor legislation for women consult issues of 
Equal Rights (National Woman's Party), partic- 
ularly "Woman's Party Enters Presidential 
Campaign," September 22, 1928, and "The Joiner 
Bill Fails," May 2, 1925. 

Mary Anderson 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 588. 



LABOR, ORGANIZED. 
Labor. 



See Organized 



LABOR, STATE AGENCIES. With the 
exception of public welfare activities no 
state functions are as directly connected with 
social work as those performed by state agen- 
cies in the field of labor. Unlike the other 
state agencies for which articles appear in 
this volume— relating to public welfare, 
public health, and education— state labor 
agencies rarely share their fields with local 
public agencies. 

This article relates to all state agencies 
which deal with labor or industrial problems, 
whatever names they bear— departments or 



242 



Labor, State Agencies 



bureaus of labor, industries, or mines; in- 
dustrial commissions; compensation boards 
or commissions; boards of arbitration or 
conciliation; or state employment services. 
In the leading industrial states, state func- 
tions relating to labor are usually united in a 
single agency, ordinarily called the Depart- 
ment of Labor. Some states, however, have 
four, five, or six independent and uncoordi- 
nated labor agencies. These variations are 
well shown in the Monthly Labor Review 
of the United States Bureau of Labor Sta- 
tistics for July, 1929; but neither in that nor 
in any other publication has an analysis 
been made of the widely varying forms of 
organization adopted in this field by the 
states of the country. In the following 
paragraphs, accordingly, attention is cen- 
tered upon the major activities of state in- 
dustrial or labor agencies and the administra- 
tive problems that are involved. 

Recognition of the need for labor legisla- 
tion preceded by some 50 years an under- 
standing that without adequate enforcement 
labor laws have little practical value. Only 
gradually, and never as a popular concep- 
tion, has come the idea that the methods of 
labor law administration are the real gauge 
of labor law standards in any community. 
There are many explanations for the lag of 
administrative measures behind other forms 
of labor legislation. At first there was the 
assumption that where labor laws were not 
obeyed, the injured workman would take his 
case to court to receive justice. That he 
might not have heard of the laws made for 
his protection, that he usually had no funds 
to use in legal action, that his grievance, 
though real, was not so serious as the loss of 
his job following a court case against his em- 
ployer—these convincing reasons why the 
worker could not protect his own rights un- 
der the law were not fully grasped. Even 
organized labor in the early days met the 
situation by appeals for commissions of in- 
vestigation rather than for law enforcement 
machinery. 

Later, when administrative bodies had 
been created in the leading industrial states 



with power to enforce labor standards, many 
obstacles were encountered, particularly 
in the form of insufficient appropriations. 
Though these have increased greatly from 
year to year, they have never fully kept pace 
with the industrial development of the 
states. The theory that state administra- 
tive bodies can become practically self- 
supporting through fines where the laws are 
not observed, and by fees for special services, 
may in time receive wider attention. But 
the general practice has been an appeal for 
funds to each new legislature, the amount 
obtained being dependent usually on the 
strength of organized labor in the com- 
munity. 

The personnel of labor administrative 
bodies has often been of indifferent quality, 
and has slowly and in many states not even 
yet come under civil service requirements. 
Appointments have usually been based on 
political affiliations rather than on profes- 
sional training. Even where civil service 
standards have been effective they have not 
always been high, and salaries have been so 
consistently low as rarely to attract persons 
with outstanding experience or training. 
Because positions of highest authority have 
always been appointive, continuity of 
policy is very rare, the labor department 
heads shifting with each political change. 
With a few exceptions, however, states with 
a large industrial population now have labor 
departments which carry on competent and 
valuable work. In these states the depart- 
ment functions, while varied in responsibility 
and scope, rather generally give consideration 
to the administrative problems discussed in 
the next following sections of this article. 

Inspection. With the exception of farm 
labor and domestic work the employment 
conditions of all establishments employing 
more than a specified minimum number of 
persons— usually five or ten— come under the 
supervision of an inspection bureau. The 
inclusion of farm labor when conducted on a 
large commercial basis, though frequently 
advocated, has very rarely been adopted. 



243 



Labor, State Agencies 



Also large commercial hotels have too often 
been kept without the jurisdiction of the 
labor authorities on the ground that they are 
"domestic dwellings." The inspection of 
mines is frequently carried on in a separate 
department of mines. Some agencies have 
tended to subdivide their work along indus- 
trial rather than geographical lines, and 
have developed specialists in the problems of 
employment in each major industry in 
place of general inspectors who must 
cover candy factories, rolling mills, depart- 
ment stores, and moving picture establish- 
ments, and so cannot offer real technical 
service to any of these places of business. A 
further form of specialization relates to par- 
ticular problems within a given industry. 
The trained industrial engineer who can 
work out the guarding of an intricate machine 
to insure both the safety of the operator and 
the maintenance of production is very likely 
to have no interest in the length of noon 
hour permitted to women employes, or the 
filing of certificates for minors under 16 
years of age. Also, while the rearrangement 
of machinery calling for the expert advice 
of the factory inspector occurs when the 
plant work is slack, the greatest need for 
inspection as to the hours of work for women 
and children is when the plant is running full 
speed. A distinction is therefore often made 
between inspection work which has to do 
with equipment and that which concerns 
the workers. Regulation of the latter re- 
lates chiefly to the age of children and type 
of their work, or to the hours of work of 
women and children. Inspection for such 
purpose, when handled separately, has usu- 
ally been delegated to a division of women 
and children. 

Compensation. The requirement that every 
industrial establishment carry insurance to 
guarantee compensation to workers injured 
in the course of their employment has added 
greatly to the duties and responsibilities of 
state labor departments. In many states it 
has meant the establishment of a state in- 
surance company, either competing with 



other such companies for the business of 
employers, or having a monopoly of this 
form of insurance. 

Accident cases arising under compensa- 
tion laws are frequently settled through the 
insurance companies, state or private, with 
hearings (before the compensation commis- 
sioners, or their representatives) only on 
cases where there is disagreement. In some 
states, however, ever)' case comes up for 
hearing on the theory that otherwise the 
employe may not know of his rights. The 
only disadvantage of this latter precaution- 
ary method is the amount of time involved 
and the danger of filling the compensation 
calendar with minor cases at the delay of 
more serious cases. See Industrial Acci- 
dents. In most states compensation laws 
are administered by commissions, either 
connected with state labor departments or 
independent of them. In a half-dozen states, 
however, no administrative agency is speci- 
ally provided, all cases being handled by 
courts. For obvious reasons— principally 
those to be referred to presently under the 
heading of "Industrial Codes and Standards" 
— the latter method of administration has 
not proved adequate in dealing with the 
complicated problems which arise. 

Rehabilitation. In the majority of states 
there has been a recognition of the states' 
responsibility for the retraining of workmen 
injured in industry. In some states such 
work is assigned to the department of educa- 
tion on the theory that the main emphasis 
is the educational process. See Education, 
State Agencies. In other states responsi- 
bility is placed in the hands of the labor de- 
partment in the belief that the needed re- 
training must be made with a knowledge of 
the industrial opportunities of the com- 
munity in which the injured workman lives. 
Under both arrangements effective work has 
been successfully carried on. An important 
impetus to its development has been the 
fact that federal funds have been available 
to match whatever money each state spends. 
See Rehabilitation. 



244 



Labor, State Agencies 



Employment. Since the end of the World 
War federal funds have contributed little to 
state employment services. In 1929, 25 
states reported that they were operating 
employment offices in 142 cities. In losing 
in great part their federal leadership, the 
state employment bureaus have not on the 
whole maintained a very high standard of 
service. While the task of getting jobs for 
unskilled workers has been carried on by the 
states with reasonable adequacy, less com- 
petency has been demonstrated in the place- 
ment of skilled workers. Nor has there been 
in many states a sufficient development of 
juvenile placement agencies. The adminis- 
trative question as to whether the juvenile 
placement should be under the control of 
the schools, since the children must be cer- 
tificated for work by school authorities, or 
under the labor department, since the oppor- 
tunities in the various industries are best 
known to the labor authorities, like the 
question of administration of the rehabilita- 
tion work is largely dependent upon the 
training and experience of the administra- 
tors. Both methods have proved successful, 
and both have proved ineffective when 
the staff was untrained. See Employment 
Agencies and Vocational Guidance. 

Arbitration and Mediation. The state's re- 
sponsibility as a mediator in times of in- 
dustrial disputes between capital and labor 
is pretty generally recognized. State labor 
departments have no mandatory powers in 
this matter. They merely offer their ser- 
vices, and as they build up a reputation for 
fairness the demand for their help increases. 

Statistics. Appreciation of the need for 
official information as to the number of per- 
sons employed in the various industries, and 
of the conditions under which they work, 
preceded recognition of the importance of 
factory inspection. The first step toward 
the building up of labor departments in the 
United States came with the establishment of 
fact-finding bureaus or commissions. For 
the past quarter of a century the most valu- 
able published information on trends of em- 



ployment has come from state bureaus of 
labor statistics. 

Industrial Hygiene. With the develop- 
ment of modern industry there has been a 
growing recognition of the special hazards to 
workers arising from the use of poisonous 
materials. Many state labor agencies carry 
on research to determine the dangers to 
health incident to certain processes of work. 
Such technical bureaus are still in the ex- 
perimental stage, but they have made studies 
of great value. See Occupational Diseases. 

Employment of Women and Children. The 
World War focused attention upon the con- 
ditions under which women and children 
were employed. In some states the desira- 
bility was recognized of having a separate 
bureau to study the protective measures 
required for these employes. Many of the 
publications of bureaus thus established rank 
high in the field of industrial research. 

Industrial Codes and Standards. The great- 
est handicap in the development in the 
United States of effective labor legislation 
has been the concept that each detail of 
labor legislation must be passed upon by the 
legislature. Law makers have thus been re- 
quired to render decisions on technical 
matters concerning which they could not be 
expected to have adequate information, and 
as a result industries have been burdened 
with antiquated regulations which have not 
kept pace with the current changes in manu- 
facturing processes. To meet this difficulty 
some labor departments are now allowed, 
within specified limits, to form their own 
regulations to insure a standard of "safety 
and welfare," these having the force of law 
save when through court action they have 
been declared illegal. Regulations are 
usually drawn up by a Bureau of Codes or 
Standards, and finally adopted by an Indus- 
trial Board or Commission. In states where 
such bureaus have functioned for a decade 
or longer, and with the advice and the coop- 
eration of employers and employes, a mass of 
valuable rules has been built up which offer 



245 



Labor, State Agencies 



the maximum of safety to the worker with 
no unnecessary burden to industry. 

The development of state labor depart- 
ments has been very much stimulated by the 
federal Department of Labor, which has 
given publicity to the more effective ad- 
ministrative measures developed in particu- 
lar states and has worked toward the stand- 
ardizing, by leveling up, of administrative 
practices. In line with that policy was the 
publication, in 1928, by the United States 
Bureau of Labor Statistics, of a series of 
articles on the New York State Labor De- 
partment — Activities and Functions of a 
State Labor Department (Bulletin Number 
479). In the foreword to this bulletin the 
Commissioner of the Bureau lists the follow- 
ing states as having labor bureaus, commis- 
sions, or departments which are doing work 
"as good as their opportunities will permit": 
Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, 
Connecticut, Delaware, Georgia, Illinois, 
Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisi- 
ana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mich- 
igan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Montana, Ne- 
braska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New 
Jersey, New York, North Carolina, North 
Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsyl- 
vania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South 
Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, 
Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wis- 
consin, and Wyoming. 

The officials of state labor agencies in the 
United States and Canada meet in the an- 
nual conventions of three different associa- 
tions—the Association of Governmental 
Labor Officials in Industry of the United 
States and Canada, the National Association 
of Industrial Accident Boards and Com- 
missions, and the International Association 
of Public Employment Services. The federal 
Department of Labor publishes the proceed- 
ings of all these conventions. The American 
Statistical Association has a Committee on 
Governmental Labor Statistics, which ren- 
dered a report at the annual meeting of 
that association in 1929. (Journal of the 
American Statistical Association, Supplement, 
March, 1930.) 



During 1929 two important studies affect- 
ing state labor departments were in progress. 
The first is being conducted by John R. 
Commons and his associates at the Univer- 
sity of Wisconsin and covers the development 
of labor legislation in the United States. 
Consideration will be given to the develop- 
ment of labor law administration. The 
second study is under the direction of John 
B. Andrews, of the American Association of 
Labor Legislation, and relates to the existing 
standards of labor law administration. 

Legislation, igig. Administrative gains 
through legislation in each state are sum- 
marized yearly in the American Labor Legis- 
lation Review. During 1929 laws affecting 
labor law administration were passed in 27 
states. Salary increases for inspectors or 
other labor officials were granted in 1 1 states, 
and general department appropriations in- 
creased in 15 states. Higher qualifications 
for labor inspectors were established in three 
states — Oregon, Texas, and Wisconsin. The 
welfare of children in industry was affected 
by increased appropriations for the Children's 
Bureau in Delaware; and, most outstandingly, 
perhaps, by the establishment of a Bureau of 
Women and Children in New Jersey. 

Consult: Reports of the State Labor Depart- 
ments of the leading industrial states; reports of 
the United States Department of Labor, in partic- 
ular issues of its Monthly Labor Bulletins and pub- 
lications of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Wo- 
men's Bureau, and Children's Bureau; also issues 
of the American Labor Legislation Review (Ameri- 
can Association of Labor Legislation); and the 
articles and the as yet unpublished studies pre- 
viously mentioned in this text. 

Charlotte E. Carr 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 21. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 589. 

LABOR STATISTICS, STATE BUREAUS 
OF. See Labor, State Agencies. 



LABOR TURNOVER. 

MENT. 



See Unemploy- 



246 



Legal Aid 



LABOR UNIONS. See Organized Labor. 

LATTER DAY SAINTS, SOCIAL WORK 
BY THE CHURCH OF. See Mormon 
Social Work. 

LEGAL AID is a means through which 
those who need legal assistance are helped to 
overcome the obstacles met in their efforts to 
obtain justice— court costs, delays in court 
procedure, and the expense of counsel. Legal 
aid is preventive to the extent that by assist- 
ing the law to function it makes application 
to relief agencies unnecessary. Legal aid 
also, through its use in the field training of 
law students, gives future lawyers something 
of a social viewpoint as to their responsibility 
in the administration of justice. For schools 
of social work legal aid furnishes a means 
whereby students may learn how to meet the 
legal problems which the clients of social 
agencies frequently face. Legal aid organiza- 
tions ordinarily handle only civil cases. In 
a few cities, however, such societies have 
voluntary defender committees which give 
aid in criminal cases. When such services 
are rendered under public auspices the 
officials are known as "public defenders." 

History and Present Status. Organized 
legal aid of the type here described began 
in 1876 in New York City when the German 
Society established a committee, and later a 
society, for the benefit of German immi- 
grants. Close relations have always existed 
between the bar and the legal aid movement. 
Usually the bar in any city has been the de- 
termining factor in the establishment of its 
legal aid work. The National Alliance of 
Legal Aid Societies was organized in 1912; 
in 1923 its name was changed to the National 
Association of Legal Aid Organizations. 
The fact that legal machinery is organized 
by states, and that many legal problems are 
peculiar to the state in which they arise, 
has resulted in the establishment of state- 
wide organizations. The first was organized 
in Pennsylvania in 1927, and others now 
exist in Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, 



and on the Pacific coast. There are local 
societies at present in 43 cities in the United 
States in 22 different states. Each year 
approximately 170,000 cases are handled by 
these societies, approximately $750,000 is 
recovered for clients in amounts averaging 
less than $15 a case, and approximately 
$500,000 expended for operation expenses. 
Fees are collected by some societies in small 
sums, amounting for all societies together 
to about 10 per cent of the gross cost of 
operation. 

In family welfare work legal aid is called 
upon most frequently in cases involving 
wage claims, workmen's compensation, non- 
support, and alimony. In the Study of 
Legal Aid Work in New York City, made in 
1927 by the Bar Association and the Wel- 
fare Council, certain of the recommenda- 
tions related to the importance of closer 
cooperation between legal aid societies and 
the other social agencies of the city. Close 
relationship exists between the workmen's 
compensation commissions of the country 
and the united legal aid societies. The 
national agencies representing both groups 
have cooperating committees. The Boston, 
Chicago, and New York societies have de- 
veloped specialized service in this field, 
advising clients as to their rights, negotiating 
settlements where possible, and defending 
cases before commissions or on appeal. 
Many cases are referred by commissions to 
the societies for adjustment. See Industrial 
Accidents. 

A type of legal aid service for which 
special machinery has been set up is that 
needed to protect poor persons accused of 
crime. The agencies for such service are 
styled voluntary or public defenders accord- 
ing as they are maintained from public or 
private funds. Voluntary defenders exist 
now in New York City, Rochester, Chicago, 
and Cincinnati; steps toward their estab- 
lishment are being taken in Philadelphia, 
Boston, St. Louis, and Pittsburgh. Public 
defenders originated at Los Angeles in 1914. 
There are now such officials in several cities 
in California and Connecticut, also in Minne- 



247 



Libraries of Social Work 



apolis, Dallas, Omaha, and Memphis. Their 
work consists in seeing that poor people ac- 
cused of crime have a fair trial. Fundamen- 
tally this is legal aid work in the criminal 
courts, and is so regarded by those who par- 
ticipate in it. A committee, therefore, of the 
National Association is actively engaged in 
furthering it. In conjunction with that com- 
mittee the Institute for the Study of Law at 
Johns Hopkins University is considering a 
nation-wide study of the subject. 

The staffs of most legal aid societies con- 
sist of lawyers, clerks, and stenographers. 
In a few societies persons trained in social 
case work, or in some other field of social 
work, are employed as executives or assist- 
ants. This is so in the Legal Aid Department 
of the Jewish Social Service Bureau of Chi- 
cago, and also in legal aid organizations in 
Grand Rapids, Minneapolis, Chicago, and 
St. Paul. Investigators who have been 
trained only in legal aid societies are em- 
ployed in the same capacities in Milwaukee, 
Philadelphia, and New York City. 

The legal aid clinic is a somewhat recent 
development in which law students are given 
training in legal aid societies. They thus 
obtain a social point of view toward the 
practice of law which enables them to bridge 
the gap between theoretical law school 
courses and actual practice. Such clinics 
are now operated at the Harvard, North- 
western, Minnesota, Cincinnati, and South- 
ern California law schools. Courses in some 
phases of law are given in practically all 
schools of social work. General courses in 
which law is compared and contrasted with 
social work have been given in the Pennsyl- 
vania School of Social and Health Work 
and at the Graduate School of Social Service 
Administration at Chicago University. 
Courses by legal aid attorneys have been 
given in Simmons College and elsewhere. 
Law and Social Work, published in 1929, was 
prepared for use as a textbook in such 
courses. 



Developments and Events, IQ2Q. During the 
year new legal aid societies were organized in 



Oakland and Los Angeles, Calif. Volun- 
tary defender committees or agencies were 
established, or were in the process of es- 
tablishment, in Philadelphia, Boston, St. 
Louis, and Pittsburgh. During the year 
also the Joint Committee of the Family 
Welfare Association of America and the 
National Association of Legal Aid Organiza- 
tions met to discuss relations between legal 
aid and family welfare work. 

Consult: National Alliance of Legal Aid Socie- 
ties: Proceedings of Conventions, 191 1, 19 12, 19 16, 
and 1922 (out of print); National Association 
of Legal Aid Organizations: Proceedings of 
Annual Conventions, 1923 to 1929 inclusive, and 
Reports of Committees, 1924 to 1929 inclusive; 
Smith, Reginald H.: Justice and the Poor, 1924; 
Smith and Bradway: The Growth of Legal Aid 
Work, 1926; Maguire, John M.: The Lance of 
justice, 1928; and Bradway, John S.: Law and 
Social Work, 1929; and special issues of the 
Annals of the American Academy, entitled "Legal 
Aid Work," March, 1926, "Progress in the Law," 
March, 1928, and "Law and Social Welfare," 
September, 1929. 

John S. Bradway 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 589. 

LEGAL RESIDENCE. See Transporta- 
tion of Clients. 

LIBRARIES OF SOCIAL WORK vary 
from highly specialized collections to more 
general ones which cover all fields of social 
work. Conspicuous in the first group is the 
National Health Library, established in 192 1 
at 370 Seventh Ave., New York City. The 
collection includes 6,000 books and 25,000 
pamphlets; approximately 600 periodicals 
are received regularly. The library's pri- 
mary purpose is to serve the five national 
public health organizations which support 
it, but reference privileges are extended to 
social workers and others interested in 
the field of public health. Since March 1, 
1930, a membership fee of $2.00 a year has 
been charged for users of the library who are 



248 



Marriage Laws 



not members of the supporting organiza- 
tions. 

The library of the Elizabeth McCormick 
Memorial Fund, another specialized library, 
was established in January, 1922. The col- 
lection contains about 10,000 books and 
pamphlets in the field of child welfare, and 
about 100 periodicals are received regularly. 
Material is loaned without charge to workers 
throughout the country on payment of 
transportation charges. Bibliographies and 
reading lists on child welfare topics are pre- 
pared on request. 

The United States Department of Labor 
Library was established in 1885. It serves 
primarily the bureaus and officers of that de- 
partment, but it is open to the public for 
reference. It contains more than 95,000 
volumes, and has a large collection of pam- 
phlet material of interest to social workers. 
The Library of the Industrial Relations 
Section in the Department of Economics and 
Social Institutions of Princeton University, 
and the Library of the Department of Social 
Ethics at Harvard University are important 
separate units of large collections. 

Among general social service libraries, the 
most notable are the Social Service Library 
in Boston and the Library of the Russell 
Sage Foundation in New York City. The 
former, established in 191 2, is connected with 
Simmons College and exists primarily for the 
use of students of the School of Social Work. 
It is, however, open to the public for refer- 
ence purposes. The collection includes 80,567 
books, pamphlets, reports, and periodicals. 

The Russell Sage Foundation Library, an 
outgrowth of the library started in 1882 by 
the Charity Organization Society of New 
York, consists of 29,382 bound volumes and 
102,467 pamphlets, reports, and so forth, in 
paper covers. It is probably the largest 
general library in the country in the field of 
social work. It serves as the library of the 
New York School of Social Work and is open 
to social workers and all others interested in 
social subjects. 

A few of the schools of social work maintain 
their own libraries, but most of them depend 



upon those of the colleges and universities 
with which they are connected. The federal 
government and all but 12 states maintain 
legislative reference bureaus or libraries, 
whose collections in many cases are of im- 
portance to social workers in fields which 
involve legislation. 

The increasing interest of librarians in the 
field of social work was indicated during the 
year 1929 by the action of the national 
Special Libraries Association in organizing a 
civic-social group in its membership. 

Bertha F. Hulseman 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 22. 



LIFE-ADVISEMENT. 
Guidance. 



See Vocational 



LITTLE THEATRES. See The Theatre. 

LIVING WAGE. See Minimum Wage. 

LOAN SHARKS. See Small Loans. 

LODGING HOUSES. See Homeless Per- 
sons. 

LUNACY. See Mental Diseases. 

LUNCHEON CLUBS. See Business 
Men's Service Clubs. 

MALNUTRITION. See Nutrition Work 
for Children. 

MARRIAGE LAWS. Because of the vital 
connection of family life with the institution 
of marriage, social case workers in recent 
years have taken an active interest in the 
subject of marriage laws. The agencies thus 
interested belong to several groups— family 
welfare societies, children's societies, clergy- 
men, women's organizations, and in a few 
cases, judges and other public officials having 
administrative responsibility in connection 
with marriage or divorce laws. 

History and Present Status. In 191 1 and 
1912 the Commissioners on Uniform State 



J49 



Marriage Laws 



Laws issued reports containing a model 
marriage license act and a model marriage 
evasion act. The former has been adopted in 
its entirety only in Massachusetts and Wis- 
consin, but portions of it have been included 
in the laws of many states. In 1918 the 
Charity Organization Department of the 
Russell Sage Foundation began a study of 
marriage laws and their administration, the 
results of which were published in several 
volumes, listed at the end of this article. 
These books have had a marked influence on 
the situation. A committee of the Family 
Welfare Association of America and local 
marriage law committees in 12 states were 
formed, and new laws secured through their 
campaigns in at least seven of these states. 
The League of Women Voters lent active 
support to the state-by-state attack on the 
problem. The General Federation of Wom- 
en's Clubs has pursued the policy of work- 
ing for a federal statute rather than for uni- 
formity in state laws. With the cooperation 
of the Pictorial Review the Federation se- 
cured the introduction in Congress, in 1923, 
of the so-called "Capper Amendment" to 
permit such national legislation. Its pro- 
posed bill (which was not acted upon since 
the amendment failed of passage) was based 
on that drafted by the Commissioners on 
Uniform State Laws, and included provisions 
for the federal regulation of divorce. The 
amendment and bill were reintroduced in 
1925, 1927, and 1928, but have never been 
passed. The Woman's Party, in its cam- 
paign for legal equality between the sexes, 
has also sponsored state bills relating to age 
for marriage, with or without parental con- 
sent. 

The main efforts in state campaigns have 
been (a) to prevent child marriage and safe- 
guard youthful marriage; (b) to introduce a 
period of delay between the application for a 
marriage license and its issuance (the so- 
called "advance notice" or "hasty marriage" 
bills); (c) to prevent the marriage of the 
physically and mentally unfit (the so-called 
"eugenics," "venereal disease," or "medi- 
cal certification" bills); and (d) to invali- 



date common-law marriage. The success of 
these efforts has been about in the order 
mentioned. Child marriage bills are passed 
with the least difficulty; but legislative 
prejudice and fear of interfering with indi- 
vidual liberty become aroused over advance 
notice and eugenics bills, and the common- 
law marital relation seems exceedingly 
difficult to dislodge from the states which 
still permit it. 

Legislation, igig. Laws raising the marriage- 
able ages or otherwise safeguarding the 
marriages of boys and girls were passed dur- 
ing the year in California (Ch. 607), Maine 
(Ch. 268), New York (Ch. 633), and Ver- 
mont (No. 51). A feature of all these laws is 
that they demand the consent of a juvenile 
court or other higher court judge, in addition 
to the consent of parents or guardians, for 
certain under-age marriages. To assist in 
enforcement an unique provision had been 
added to the New York law in 1927 by which 
license issuers are directed to demand speci- 
fied documentary proofs of age from all 
applicants who appear to them to be under 
21 years of age. No child marriage bills 
failed of passage in 1929. 

A five-day advance notice law was passed 
in North Carolina (Ch. 161) applying only 
to persons under 2 1 , a three-day law in Texas 
(Ch. 114), and a five-day law in Tennessee 
(Ch. 6). The last named provides also that 
the applications shall be open to the public, 
and that any interested party may contest 
the issuance of the license and demand a rul- 
ing by a judge of a superior court, the con- 
testant furnishing a cost bond. Further- 
more, the license issuer must send notice of 
the application to the parents or guardians 
of the girl. Connecticut (Ch. 147) amended 
its law to make applications for license 
public during the advance notice period. In 
six other states bills of this type were de- 
feated, as was also a vigorous attempt made 
in California to repeal its three-day notice 
law. 

Texas (Ch. 114) passed a law demanding 
that a medical certificate of freedom from 



250 



Maternal and Infant Hygiene 



communicable disease be presented by each 
male applicant for a marriage license, and 
bills of the eugenics type were defeated in six 
other states. Oregon repealed a law passed 
in 1927 which had validated certain common- 
law marriages entered into prior to 1925. In 
addition to the foregoing, laws were passed 
in many states affecting minor points. 

Consult: Commissioners on Uniform State 
Laws: Marriage License Act, 191 1, and Marriage 
Evasion Act, 19 12; Koegel, Otto: Common Law 
Marriage, 1922; Richmond and Hall: Child 
Marriages, 1925; Hall, Fred S.: Medical Certifi- 
cation for Marriage, 1925; Women's Protective 
Association of Cleveland: School Girl Brides, 
1926; Children's Aid Society of Buffalo: Child 
Marriages in Erie County, 1927; Richmond and 
Hall: Marriage and the State, 1929; May, Geoffrey: 
Marriage Laws and Decisions, 1929; Women's 
City Club: Child Marriages in New York City, 
1929; and Popenoe, Paul: "Some Effects of a 
State Law Requiring Delay before a Marriage 
License is Issued," in Journal of Social Hygiene, 
November, 1929. 

Joanna C. Colcord 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 19. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 589. 



MATERNAL AND INFANT HYGIENE. 

The purpose of organized activities in the 
field of maternal and infant hygiene is pri- 
marily to reduce the death rates of mothers 
and babies. The chief emphasis of the 
present day is laid upon the conservation of 
health and the inculcation of habits and 
attitudes which promote this end. No one 
knew positively how great was the need for 
work of this nature in the United States until 
the federal Bureau of the Census began to 
collect and publish statistics of both births 
and deaths. The first Census Bureau report 
on birth statistics, published in 191 5, in- 
cluded data from 10 states and the District of 
Columbia only. See Vital Statistics. 
That report gave the first basis for compari- 
son of infant births and deaths. It showed 
that for every 1,000 live births 100 babies 
were dying under one year of age. Compari- 



son of this rate with that of 18 foreign coun- 
tries showed that six countries had a lower 
infant mortality rate than the United States. 
New Zealand, for instance, was losing only 
half as many babies— 50 per 1,000 live births 
— as was the United States, while Norway 
was losing only 68, and Sweden, 76. 

Even more startling in comparison with 
rates from foreign countries were the figures 
on maternal mortality. Twelve of the 14 
foreign countries for which statistics were 
available for 191 5 had rates lower than the 
United States. In this country 61 mothers 
were dying for every 10,000 live births. 
Only one country, Chile, had a higher rate, 
66; Scotland had the same rate, 61, and 
five countries were losing fewer than 30 
mothers for every 10,000 live births, or less 
than one-half as many as in the United 
States. 

Early field studies and analyses of sta- 
tistics indicated that better preservation of 
the lives of both mothers and babies de- 
pended upon an extension of prenatal care 
as well as upon improvement in care at time 
of delivery. Surveys showed that many 
births were attended by untrained, unskilled, 
and none-too-clean midwives. Many other 
mothers had no trained attendants at child- 
birth and did not understand the desirability 
of placing themselves in the hands of a physi- 
cian for health supervision during the period 
of pregnancy. These conditions were re- 
flected in the number of maternal deaths 
and also in the neonatal death rate, the 
highest point of the latter occurring in the 
first month of life and being due largely to 
prenatal conditions or conditions at time of 
delivery. The second most important cause 
of infant mortality was the gastro-intestinal 
diseases, in which contributing factors are 
poor milk and water supply, unhygienic 
surroundings, and improper feeding. Cor- 
rective measures included improving milk 
and water supplies and getting information 
to the mother on the routine care of the 
baby and the importance of breast feeding. 
Information on the preparation of simple 
formulas of cow's milk, to be used only if 



251 



Maternal and Infant Hygiene 



maternal milk was not available, was in- 
cluded in the plans to assist mothers to save 
their babies. Other items on the care of the 
baby, diet, habit training, hygiene, and pre- 
vention of infectious diseases were added 
later to the information disseminated. 

History and Present Status. The develop- 
ment of organized efforts to improve infant 
hygiene began in this country near the end of 
the nineteenth century with measures for 
improvement of milk and water supplies, 
such as the establishment by private agen- 
cies of milk stations for the distribution of 
clean, safe, or modified milk at a nominal 
cost for infant feeding, and the passage of 
city ordinances controlling the production, 
care, and distribution of milk. The first 
milk station in the United States was es- 
tablished in New York City in 1893, and by 
1 9 10 similar stations were known to exist in 
30 different cities. From milk dispensaries 
these stations have changed to preventive 
health centers, the emphasis being now 
placed almost entirely on educational work 
to keep the well baby well through compe- 
tent medical supervision. Many have been 
absorbed by official agencies and their sup- 
port assumed by local communities. No 
complete data are available for 1929 as to 
the number of such health centers for in- 
fants. In the survey of 86 cities made by 
the American Child Health Association in 
1924, 70 cities were found to have such cen- 
ters, now usually called "infant welfare 
clinics." Only 52 of the cities reported 
giving attention to preschool children; 49 
cities reported that the infant and preschool 
clinics were inseparable. Hawaii and the 
states cooperating under the Sheppard- 
Towner Act — presently to be discussed — re- 
ported the establishment of 2,667 permanent 
centers and the conducting of 124,637 child 
health conferences during the five years end- 
ing in 1929. 

A little later than the establishment of 
milk stations and infant welfare centers 
came the first organized effort to have 
women receive prenatal care. This seems to 



have been begun in New York in 1908 by the 
Association for Improving the Condition of 
the Poor and the Pediatric Department of 
the New York Outdoor Medical Clinic. In 
1909 the Women's Municipal League of 
Boston made an experiment covering a 
period of five years, during which prenatal 
nursing care was given to women in their 
homes in Boston, and 1,512 women were 
carried safely through confinement. The 
result reported was: "That prenatal care 
given by a nurse visiting in the home at 
intervals of not over ten days has demon- 
strated its efficiency in relieving suffering 
and preventing danger and disease in the 
mother and rendering maternal nursing 
more successful, thereby reducing infant 
mortality." 

The Maternity Center Association of New 
York City was established in April, 1918, as 
the result of a survey made by a committee 
appointed by the commissioner of health in 
New York City in 191 5. The city was dis- 
tricted, and a maternity center was located 
in each district to provide information, to 
coordinate and stimulate agencies to conduct 
clinics, and to refer patients for hospital 
care. The first center was financed by the 
Women's City Club. The Association pre- 
pared standards of prenatal nursing which 
are widely accepted, secured the cooperation 
and coordination of organizations promoting 
prenatal care, and developed other centers. 
It became a center for training in prenatal 
and maternity care for nurses from all parts 
of the United States and from foreign coun- 
tries. 

In 1925 a committee representing the 
American Association of Obstetricians and 
Gynecologists, the American Gynecological 
Society, and the American Child Health 
Association was organized, under the name 
of the Committee for Maternal Welfare. Its 
purpose is nation-wide propaganda for 
better obstetrics, for more definite prenatal 
care, and for rigid asepsis. 

No definite information is available on the 
number of prenatal clinics and centers in ex- 
istence or the number of expectant mothers 



252 



Maternal and Infant Hygiene 



under their care. A survey made in ioo 
cities by the United States Public Health 
Service in 1923 showed prenatal clinics con- 
ducted in 73 of these cities. A survey of 86 
cities made in 1924 by the American Child 
Health Association showed 40 cities with 
prenatal clinics. According to reports from 
the cooperating states and Hawaii, 684 
centers were organized under the Sheppard- 
Towner Act from 1924 to 1929, and 37,432 
prenatal conferences were conducted. 

Of special significance in promoting these 
activities and other similar undertakings 
was the influence of the American Associa- 
tion for the Study and Prevention of Infant 
Mortality, an agency which was organized in 
1909, and in 1923 united with the Child 
Health organization to become the Ameri- 
can Child Health Association. The aims of 
the original group were to stress the registra- 
tion of births and deaths, to promote means 
of instructing mothers and expectant mothers 
in the principles of maternal and infant hy- 
giene, and to establish standards for milk to 
be sold under specified labels. In its present 
form the association continues to cooperate 
with official health agencies in campaigns 
for improvement of the milk supply, con- 
ducts research, and studies ways to develop 
new standards of health protection for chil- 
dren. 

Most of the private agencies thus far 
described have confined their efforts for the 
most part to the cities. With the establish- 
ment of the federal Children's Bureau in 
19 1 2 came the first large-scale extension of 
service to mothers and babies in rural com- 
munities. In 19 16 the Bureau conducted 
investigations in selected areas of Kansas, 
North Carolina, and Wisconsin which fur- 
nished a basis for health programs for the 
rural child. In 1918 a Children's Year Cam- 
paign was inaugurated by the United States 
Children's Bureau and the Women's Divi- 
sion of the Council of National Defense. The 
program of the campaign included, among 
other aims, the promotion of public protec- 
tion of maternity and infancy. 

Increasing interest in the health of the 



child — particularly of the rural child — re- 
sulted, in 192 1, in the passage of the federal 
Act for the Promotion of the Welfare and 
Hygiene of Maternity and Infancy, known as 
the Sheppard-Towner Act (42 Stat. L. 224). 
An annual appropriation of $1,240,000 was 
authorized for five years. This, with the ex- 
ception of $50,000 available to the Chil- 
dren's Bureau for administering the provi- 
sions of the act, was to be divided among the 
states accepting the provisions of the act 
through their legislative authority. The 
benefits of the act were extended to Hawaii 
in 1924 (43 Stat. L. 17). An act of 1927 
(44 Stat. L. 1024) extended the authorized 
appropriations for two years and provided 
that after June 30, 1929, the original act 
should be "of no force and effect." The 
act provided that in any cooperating state 
having a child hygiene or a child welfare 
division in the state agency of health, this 
division should have charge of the local 
administration. For other states the desig- 
nation or creation of an administering agency 
was authorized. Before the introduction of 
the Sheppard-Towner bill in Congress, 12 
states had established child hygiene divisions 
or bureaus. While the bill was pending 25 
additional states created such bureaus or 
divisions. Ten states and Hawaii created 
such agencies after the passage of the act. 
One state did not create a special agency, 
but administered the act directly through its 
state department of health. At the expira- 
tion of the act 45 states and Hawaii were 
cooperating under it. The plans in the vari- 
ous states differed in details, but the general 
aim was educational, with a special effort to 
reach rural mothers and babies. The types of 
work included instruction as to the care of 
mother and child given to individual parents 
at itinerant conferences or at permanent 
centers conducted by physicians and nurses, 
through visits in the home by public health 
nurses, and demonstrations in the home of 
maternal and infant care; instruction of 
groups through lectures, motion pictures, 
slides, charts, and exh ibits; classes in in- 
fant care for girls, classes in infant and pre- 



253 



Maternal and Infant Hygiene 



natal care for mothers, and classes for 
teachers to prepare them to include mater- 
nity and infancy instruction in their class 
work; instruction to midwives; graduate 
courses for physicians in obstetrics and 
pediatrics; courses for nurses; and indirect 
instruction through the distribution of 
literature on infant and prenatal care. 

At the close of the seven years' work under 
the Sheppard-Towner Act, June 30, 1929, 
the cooperating states and Hawaii reported 
for the period from 1924 to 1929, inclusive, 
that 144,777 health conferences for expect- 
ant mothers and children had been con- 
ducted by physicians and 2,978 permanent 
prenatal and child-health centers had been 
established. During the last six years of the 
act public health nurses made more than 
3,000,000 visits to homes of mothers and 
babies. During the last five years of the 
act a total of 19,723 classes for girls, mothers, 
and midwives were conducted, more than 
22,000,000 pieces of literature on infant and 
maternal care were distributed, and ap- 
proximately 700,000 expectant mothers and 
4,000,000 infants and preschool children 
were reported to have been reached in one 
way or another in 2,717 of the 2,953 coun- 
ties contained in the 45 cooperating states 
and the Territory of Hawaii. Assistance was 
given by state child hygiene divisions and 
the federal Children's Bureau toward the 
completion of the United States Birth Regis- 
tration Area, which expanded from 27 states 
and the District of Columbia in 1921 to 45 
states and the District of Columbia before 
the Sheppard-Towner Act expired in 1929. 

For the operation of the Sheppard-Towner 
Act the Federal Board of Maternity and 
Infant Hygiene interpreted the term "in- 
fancy" as ending with the preschool period. 
Thus, facilities for attention to the care of 
the children from infancy until they should 
enter school were provided. The health of 
the preschool child, emphasized through 
the activities of the Children's Year Cam- 
paign and the work under the Sheppard- 
Towner Act, has been furthered also by the 
efforts of the National Congress of Parents 



and Teachers, which in 1925 sponsored the 
examination of preschool children in a so- 
called "summer round-up," with a view to 
having defects remedied before the children 
should enter school in the fall. The number 
of local parent-teacher associations enrolled 
to promote the summer round-up has in- 
creased each year, a total of 3,592 associa- 
tions in 45 states having participated in 1929. 
The local women's clubs affiliated with the 
General Federation have helped to further 
this work. Nursery schools, 157 of which 
had been established in the United States 
by the end of 1929, have provided oppor- 
tunities for research in the development of 
preschool children and for parental educa- 
tion as well See Parent Teacher Move- 
ment and Nursery Schools. 

The effect of the foregoing activities and 
others of the same general nature is to be 
seen in the decline in the death rate of in- 
fants. In 1928, the last year for which sta- 
tistics are available, as compared with 191 5, 
the infant death rate had fallen from 100 for 
each thousand births in the expanded birth 
registration area to 69. The greatest de- 
crease was in the death rate from gastro- 
intestinal diseases— a result which reflects the 
efficiency of the measures which have been 
taken to inform the public on infant care and 
feeding. 

The rate for maternal mortality, on the 
other hand, has not shown a reduction for 
the expanding birth registration area during 
the same period, the rate for 191 5 being 61, 
and for 1928, 69. However, figures for the 
larger area in 1928 are not comparable with 
the earlier figures because of the inclusion of 
many states with high maternal death 
rates, such as the states with large Negro 
populations or states with populations that 
are scattered or inaccessible to medical 
services. In spite of these adverse facts, and 
although organized maternal care is a com- 
paratively recent public health activity, 
and the difficulties of teaching the public the 
importance of prenatal care are great, cer- 
tain improvements are to be noted. A com- 
parison of the states in the registration area 



254 



Maternal and Infant Hygiene 



for 1 92 1 (with the exception of South Caro- 
lina, which was dropped from the area from 
1924 to 1927) with the same states for 1928 
shows a lower rate for the later year, namely, 
a reduction from 67.3 deaths from puerperal 
causes per 10,000 live births in 192 1 to 64.2 
in 1928. Nine states in the area of 1928 
established new low maternal mortality 
rates for that year. These were Arizona, 
Arkansas, Delaware, Florida, Iowa, Pennsyl- 
vania, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wyom- 
ing. An analysis of maternal mortality by 
causes shows a definite downward trend for 
puerperal albuminuria and convulsions, an 
increase from accidents of labor, and a 
slight reduction from puerperal sepsis. The 
Children's Bureau, in reporting in 1929 cer- 
tain preliminary findings from a cooperative 
study with 13 states as to the causes of all 
puerperal deaths within those states, stated 
that 45 per cent of all the deaths from septi- 
cemia in 1927 were preceded by abortions, 
which means that nearly half of all the deaths 
from sepsis were not full term deliveries. Of 
the total 570 deaths preceded by abortions, 
309 were induced. Half of the women who 
died from albuminuria and convulsions had 
no prenatal care. Of those who had such 
care, only 6 per cent had the best grade. 
Elimination of abortion apparently would 
reduce sepsis, and education of the public on 
the dangers of abortion seems vitally needed. 
The studies made suggest further that 
plans should be formulated to reduce sepsis 
through better technique at time of delivery 
and the elimination of the dangers of cross 
infection. Increasing facilities for prenatal 
care are needed for further reduction of 
deaths from eclampsia; and in view of the 
increasing death rate from accidents of 
labor, operative deliveries should be care- 
fully scrutinized by the medical profession. 

Developments and Events, igig. Federal 
participation in the administration of child 
hygiene activities was brought to an end, 
except to a limited extent, by the termination 
of the Sheppard-Towner Act on June 30, 
1929. During the year several hearings were 



held on substitute bills before the Inter- 
State and Foreign Commerce Committee of 
the House of Representatives, and a bill was 
introduced at a special session of the 71st 
Congress by Senator Jones, of Washington, 
(255) and by Representative Cooper, of Ohio, 
(HR— 1 195) which was similar to the Shep- 
pard-Towner Act in its provisions, except 
that it did not provide the $5,000 unmatched 
grant to each state on acceptance. Instead 
it increased from $5,000 to $1 5,000 the mini- 
mum amount available to each state which 
accepts the grant and matches it with the 
state appropriation. It also extended the 
act to Porto Rico, Alaska, and the District 
of Columbia. These companion bills were 
pending at the end of the calendar year. 
When federal aid ceased, 16 states appro- 
priated amounts equal to or exceeding the 
combined federal and state funds of the 
preceding year for the continuation of child 
hygiene work. In four states the appropria- 
tions exceeded the state appropriations of 
the preceding year, but were less than the 
combined state and federal funds had been. 
Six states appropriated the same or smaller 
amounts. In three states the appropriation 
was contingent upon receipt of the federal 
funds. One state appropriation was for one 
year only, and the legislatures of five states 
did not meet in 1929. 

During the year the International Health 
Board created an appropriation of $100,000 
for promoting child hygiene work in county 
units until June 30, 1930, the money to be 
administered through the United States 
Public Health Service. The White House 
Conference on Child Health and Protection 
has a section on Medical Care which includes 
prenatal and maternal care as well as care 
for children. It has also a section on Public 
Health Service and Administration, with 
subcommittees on Public Health Organiza- 
tion and Milk Production and Control. 
President Hoover also appointed a commis- 
sion to study health and welfare conditions 
among the children of Porto Rico. An im- 
portant event of the year was the creation of 
the Children's Fund of Michigan, which has 



17 



255 



Mental Deficiency 



announced that a county health promotion 
program is one of the activities to be under- 
taken. 

In 1929 articles of association under the 
laws of Michigan were adopted for an or- 
ganization to be known as the American 
Association of Obstetricians, Gynecologists 
and Abdominal Surgeons Foundation, Inc. 
Membership is restricted to members of the 
Association whose name it bears. "The 
immediate activities will be the urging of 
better teaching of obstetrics . . . The 
Foundation will urge the making of prenatal 
care universal, and will conduct propaganda 
among women's clubs, health centers, parent- 
teacher associations for better understanding 
of maternal welfare." 

During the year the Children's Bureau 
continued its study of maternal deaths in 1 5 
states in cooperation with state bureaus of 
child hygiene, and continued its analysis of 
data collected in a three-year study of 
rickets in New Haven and Porto Rico; and 
the Merrill-Palmer School in Detroit con- 
ducted research in cooperation with the 
Children's Hospital of Michigan on the 
biological properties of human milk, pre- 
natal metabolism, metabolism during lacta- 
tion, and rickets. 

Consult: Children's Bureau, United States 
Department of Labor, Annual Reports of Adminis- 
tration of the Maternity and Infancy Act; and its 
other publications and bibliographies in this field; 
Baker, S. Josephine: Child Hygiene (1925); 
Ravenel, Mazyck: A Half Century of Public 
Health (Chapter on History of Child Welfare Work 
in the United States by Philip Van Ingen), 192 1; 
the reports published by the American Child Health 
Association, Milbank Memorial Fund, Common- 
wealth Fund, Maternity Center Association of New 
York, and other agencies mentioned in the text or 
listed in National Agencies, Classified, on page 
589; also Transactions of the American Child 
Health Association, Sixth Annual Meeting (Min- 
neapolis), 1929. 

Blanche M. Haines 

For related articles see Topical Articles, 
Classified, on page 20. For national agencies in 
this field see National Agencies, Classified, on 
page 589. 



MATERNITY HOMES. See Children 
Born out of Wedlock 

MEDICAL CARE, COST OF. See Cost 
of Medical Care. 

MEDICAL INSPECTION OF SCHOOLS. 
See School Hygiene. 

MEDICAL RESEARCH AND SOCIAL 
WORK. See Birth Control, Cancer, 
Clinical Study of Adult Offenders, 
Crippled Children, The Deaf, Diph- 
theria Prevention, Drug Addiction, 
The Hard of Hearing, Heart Disease, 
Maternal and Infant Hygiene, Men- 
tal Deficiency, Mental Diseases, 
Mouth Hygiene, Nutrition Work for 
Children, Prevention of Blindness, 
Psychiatric Clinics for Children, 
School Hygiene, Tuberculosis, and 
Venereal Diseases. 



MEDICAL SOCIAL WORK. 
pital Social Work. 

MENDICANCY. See Begging. 



See Hos- 



MEN'S HOTELS. 
Boys and Men. 



See Residences for 



MENTAL CLINICS. See Mental Hy- 
giene and Psychiatric Clinics for 
Children. 

MENTAL DEFICIENCY. The . term 
"mental deficiency" is used in this article to 
embrace all defects of intelligence existing 
from birth or from an early age. It is thus 
more inclusive than the term "feeble-minded- 
ness," with which in the past it has custo- 
marily been used interchangeably. Feeble- 
mindedness correctly applies only to cases in 
which defects of intelligence are associated 
with social and industrial inefficiency. It is 
accordingly defined by Tredgold as "a state 
of restricted potentiality for, or arrest of, 
cerebral development, in consequence of 
which the person affected is incapable at 



256 



Mental Deficiency 



maturity of so adapting himself to his en- 
vironment or to the requirements of the 
community as to maintain existence inde- 
pendently of supervision or external sup- 
port." To be distinguished from the feeble- 
minded are the intellectually subnormal, 
revealed in large numbers by the army psy- 
chological examinations and by industrial 
and other surveys. Such persons are more or 
less markedly limited in that kind of in- 
telligence, as yet not well defined, which in- 
telligence tests measure, and yet are reason- 
ably adequate in their social and economic 
adjustments. Mental deficiency, as here 
used, includes both intellectual subnormality 
and feeble-mindedness. 

In 191 1 the American Association for the 
Study of the Feebleminded adopted the 
following definitions: (a) The term "feeble- 
minded" is used generically to include all 
degrees of mental defect due to arrested or 
imperfect mental development as the result 
of which the person affected is incapable of 
competing on equal terms with his normal 
fellows or managing himself or his affairs 
with ordinary prudence; (b) idiots are those 
so deeply defective that the mental develop- 
ment never exceeds that of a normal child of 
about two years; (c) imbeciles are those 
whose development is higher than that of an 
idiot but does not exceed that of a normal 
child of about seven years; and (d) morons 
are those whose development is higher than 
that of an imbecile but does not exceed that 
of a normal child of about 12 years. Al- 
though the definition given for the first of 
these groups made it clear that feeble- 
mindedness implies social inefficiency, the 
use of quantitative definitions of idiocy, im- 
becility, and moronity, in terms of mental 
age, resulted for a number of years in a care- 
less assumption, which was reflected in 
general practice, that all persons with a 
mental age of 12 years or less, or with the 
corresponding intelligence quotients, were to 
be considered feeble-minded. It